This article debates a class of so-called “marked” or “modal” indefinites in Romance, which have been shown to display the locality, shielding and rescuing effects familiar from the study of positive polarity items (PPIs) like someone. Taking Romanian as a case study, it displays that in positive contexts, these indefinites show attributes (obligatory non-specificity, free choice inferences) that set them apart from someone-PPIs and make them very properties similar to free choice indefinites.