S. addresses the problem of what happens to presuppositions embedded under verbals which take sentential complements. It is suggested that the key to the projection problem lies in the recognition that a given presupposition p is satisfied in the context c in which its associated presuppositional construction occurs, which may differ from that in which the sentence S as a whole occurs. The information conveyed previously to c may affect what is given in c such that S may appear not to presuppose p, or to presuppose something besides p.