The son (érzi) is not really a son: Generalization of address terms in Chinese online discourse

Abstract

This paper aims to explore the generalization of address terms in online discourse, a largely unheeded pragmatic phenomenon. Taking the generalized Chinese kinship term “son” (érzi) as an example, it analyzes its referents and functions. The analysis was based on a sizable data set collected from WeChat, and interviews with some WeChat users. It demonstrates that the address term “son” (érzi) conveys its faithful meaning when referring to the male child of (a) parent(s) but virtual meaning when referring to the addresser’s friends, classmates or pets. It is also argued that the generalized use of the address term “son” (érzi) can function to enhance relationships, make jocular abuse, and express emotions. These functions suggest the users’ identity avoidance and relating needs in a virtual community. This study attempts to contribute to a better understanding of the virtualization of address terms and rapport management in online discourse.

Keywords:
Publication history
Table of contents

1.Introduction

Address terms are words and expressions for addressing individuals or groups in communication (Alenizi 2019Alenizi, Aied 2019 “The Norms of Address Terms in Arabic: The Case of Saudi Speech Community.” International Journal of English Linguistics 9 (5): 227–241. DOI logoGoogle Scholar). They can be divided into two categories, namely, kin terms and social terms (Dickey 1997Dickey, Eleanor 1997 “Forms of Address and Terms of Reference.” Journal of Linguistics 33: 255–274. DOI logoGoogle Scholar). Among them, kin terms refer to relatives, such as “mum”, “dad”, “son”, and “cousin”, whereas social terms refer to non-relatives, such as “friends”, “colleagues” or even “strangers” (Liu 2009Liu, Yonghou 2009 “Determinants of Stall-holders’ Address Forms to Customers in Beijing’s Low-status Clothing Markets.” Journal of Pragmatics 41: 638–648. DOI logoGoogle Scholar; Sandel 2002Sandel, Todd L. 2002 “Kinship Address: Socializing Young Children in Taiwan.” Western Journal of Communication 66 (8): 257–280. DOI logoGoogle Scholar). Interestingly, kin terms are frequently employed to address non-relatives in daily communication, which leads to the phenomenon of generalization (Chen and Ren 2020Chen, Xinren, and Juanjuan Ren 2020 “A Memetic Cultural Practice: The Use of Generalized Kinship Terms in a Research Seminar Attended by Chinese Graduate Students.” Lingua 245: 1–11. DOI logoGoogle Scholar; Nakassis 2014Nakassis, Constantine V. 2014 “Suspended Kinship and Youth Sociality in Tamil Nadu, India.” Current Anthropology 55 (2): 175–199. DOI logoGoogle Scholar; Ren and Chen 2019Ren, Juanjuan, and Xinren Chen 2019 “Kinship Term Generalization as a Cultural Pragmatic Strategy among Chinese Graduate Students.” Pragmatics and Society 10 (4): 613–638. DOI logoGoogle Scholar). Besides, most of the generalized kin terms in face-to-face interaction are age-based, and they may be borrowed from (1) antecedent kin terms, such as “aunt” or “uncle”, and (2) descendent kin terms, such as “younger brother” (Ren and Chen 2019Ren, Juanjuan, and Xinren Chen 2019 “Kinship Term Generalization as a Cultural Pragmatic Strategy among Chinese Graduate Students.” Pragmatics and Society 10 (4): 613–638. DOI logoGoogle Scholar). Notably, although there truly exist generalized kin terms which are borrowed from descendent kin terms, they are less frequently used, especially in face-to-face interaction (e.g., “son”). The reason might be that this would violate the politeness principle (Fleming and Slotta 2018Fleming, Luke, and James Slotta 2018 “The Pragmatics of Kin Address: A Sociolinguistic Universal and Its Semantic Affordances.” Journal of Sociolinguistics 22 (4): 375–405. DOI logoGoogle Scholar) or Address Maxim (Gu 1990Gu, Yueguo 1990 “Politeness Phenomena in Modern Chinese.” Journal of Pragmatics 14: 237–257. DOI logoGoogle Scholar). However, the borrowing of these descendent kin terms is a common occurrence in online discourse. In addition, while the generalization of kinship terms in face-to-face communication is considered to assist in maintaining and enriching social interaction (Mavunga et al. 2014Mavunga, George, John Mutambwa, and Partson Kutsaru 2014 “ ‘Iwe’ or ‘imi’? An Analysis of Terms of Address Used by Police Officers at Mbare Police Station.” Language Matters 45 (1): 148–161. DOI logoGoogle Scholar), whether it performs the same functions online remains unclear.

Against this backdrop, this article purports to report a study on the generalized use of address terms in online discourse by taking the Chinese kinship term “son” (érzi) as an example. The paper is structured as follows: Section 2 offers an overview of relevant literature on address terms, including the generalization of address terms and Chinese kinship address terms. Section 3 covers the study’s methodology, including research questions, and data collection and analysis procedures. Section 4 presents the findings, concerning the referents and functions of the generalized address term “son” (érzi). Section 5 offers a discussion on some major determinants of “son” (érzi). Section 6 acts as a conclusion.

2.Literature review

2.1Address terms

Studies on address terms can be traced back to Brown and Gilman (1960)Brown, Roger, and Albert Gilman 1960 “The Pronouns of Power and Solidarity.” In Style in Language, ed. by Thomas A. Sebeok, 253–276. Cambridge: MIT Press.Google Scholar, who touched upon the usage of second-person pronouns in interpersonal communication. Today, address terms have become a focus of interest in disciplines such as sociolinguistics (Bin Towairesh 2012Bin Towairesh, Abdullah 2012 “The Use of Term of Address in the City of Riyadh, Saudi Arabia.” Ph.D. diss., University of Queensland. Brisbane.), pragmatics (Levinson 1983Levinson, Stephen C. 1983Pragmatics. London: Cambridge University Press. DOI logoGoogle Scholar; Yule 2006Yule, George 2006The Study of Language. UK: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar), socio-pragmatics (Martiny 1996Martiny, Thierry 1996 “Forms of Address in French and Dutch: A Sociopragmatic Approach.” Language Sciences 18 (3–4): 365–375. DOI logoGoogle Scholar), and cognitive-pragmatics (Maalej 2010Maalej, Zouhair 2010 “Addressing Non-acquaintances in Tunisian Arabic: A Cognitive Pragmatic Account.” Intercultural Pragmatics 7 (1): 147–173. DOI logoGoogle Scholar). In the literature, many researchers have focused on the different forms of address terms, including names (Afful 2010 2010 “Address Forms among University Students in Ghana: A Case of Gendered Identities?Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 31 (5): 443–456. DOI logoGoogle Scholar; Braun 1988Braun, Friederike 1988Terms of Address: Problems of Patterns and Usage in Various Languages and Cultures. New York: Mouton de Gruyter. DOI logoGoogle Scholar), nicknames (Crozier and Dimmock 1999Crozier, W. Ray, and Patricia S. Dimmock 1999 “Name-calling and Nicknames in a Sample of Primary School Children.” British Journal of Educational Psychology 69: 505–516. DOI logoGoogle Scholar; De Klerk and Bosch 1999De Klerk, Vivian, and Barbara Bosch 1999 “Nicknames as Evidence of Verbal Playfulness.” Multilingua 18 (1): 1–16. DOI logoGoogle Scholar; Dornyo 2010Dornyo, Philip 2010 “Nicknaming Practices among University Students: A Case Study of the University of Cape Coast.” B.A. thesis, University of Cape Coast.), kinship terms (Mavunga et al. 2014Mavunga, George, John Mutambwa, and Partson Kutsaru 2014 “ ‘Iwe’ or ‘imi’? An Analysis of Terms of Address Used by Police Officers at Mbare Police Station.” Language Matters 45 (1): 148–161. DOI logoGoogle Scholar), institutional titles (Rendle-Shot 2007Rendle-Short, Johanna 2007 “ ‘Catherine, You’re Wasting Your Time’: Address Terms within the Australian Political Interview.” Journal of Pragmatics 39: 1503–1525. DOI logoGoogle Scholar), etc.

Some of the studies on address terms have dealt with their functions in communication. The first and foremost function of address terms is to manage interpersonal relationships. Through address terms, the addresser can express his/her relationship to (Quirk et al. 1985Quirk, Randolph, Sidney Greenbaum, Geoffrey Leech, and Jan Svatrvik 1985A Comprehensive Grammar of the English Language. London: Longman.Google Scholar) or social distance from (Mavunga et al. 2014Mavunga, George, John Mutambwa, and Partson Kutsaru 2014 “ ‘Iwe’ or ‘imi’? An Analysis of Terms of Address Used by Police Officers at Mbare Police Station.” Language Matters 45 (1): 148–161. DOI logoGoogle Scholar) the addressee. Besides this, Miller (2000)Miller, Jennifer 2000 “Language Use, Identity and Social Interaction: Migrant Students in Australia.” Research on Language and Social Interaction 33 (1): 69–100. DOI logoGoogle Scholar and Afful (2010) 2010 “Address Forms among University Students in Ghana: A Case of Gendered Identities?Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 31 (5): 443–456. DOI logoGoogle Scholar propose that address terms can help to identify gender, age or socioeconomic status. Another function of address terms, such as kinship or endearment terms, is that they are used as markers of mitigation (Anchimbe 2008Anchimbe, Eric 2008 “ ‘Come Greet Uncle Eric’ – Politeness Through Kinship Terms.” In De La Politesse Linguistique au Cameroun [Linguistic Politeness in Cameroon], ed. by Mulo F. Bernard, 109–120. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang.Google Scholar; Fleming and Slotta 2018Fleming, Luke, and James Slotta 2018 “The Pragmatics of Kin Address: A Sociolinguistic Universal and Its Semantic Affordances.” Journal of Sociolinguistics 22 (4): 375–405. DOI logoGoogle Scholar; Hampel 2015Hampel, Elisabeth 2015 “ ‘Mama Zimbi, Pls Help Me!’ – Gender Differences in (Im)politeness in Ghanaian English Advice-giving on Facebook.” Journal of Politeness Research 11 (1): 99–130. DOI logoGoogle Scholar; Obeng 1999Obeng, Samuel Gyasi 1999 “Requests in Akan Discourse.” Anthropological Linguistics 41 (2): 230–251.Google Scholar). They are also related to politeness (Brown and Levinson 1987Brown, Penelope, and Stephen C. Levinson 1987Politeness: Some Universals in Language Use. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. DOI logoGoogle Scholar) or deference (Thomas 1995Thomas, Jenny A. 1995Meaning in Interaction: An Introduction to Pragmatics. London/New York: Longman.Google Scholar) conventions in some countries. Apart from these functions, address terms are also found to be serving as structural units in interpersonal conversations (Clayman 2012Clayman, Steven E. 2018 “Address Terms in the Organization of Turns at Talk: The Case of Pivotal Turn Extensions.” Journal of Pragmatics 44: 1853–1867. DOI logoGoogle Scholar).

A few studies have noted that address terms are sensitive to some socio-cultural contexts (Ju 1991Ju, Zhucheng 1991 “The ‘Depreciation’ and ‘Appreciation’ of Some Address Terms in China.” Language in Society 20: 387–390. DOI logoGoogle Scholar). For example, some researchers reveal that social distance and interpersonal relationships are important factors influencing address terms (Brown and Ford 1961Brown, Roger, and Marguerite Ford 1961 “Address in American English.” Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 62 (2): 375–385. DOI logoGoogle Scholar; Brown and Gilman 1960Brown, Roger, and Albert Gilman 1960 “The Pronouns of Power and Solidarity.” In Style in Language, ed. by Thomas A. Sebeok, 253–276. Cambridge: MIT Press.Google Scholar, 1989 1989 “Politeness Theory and Shakespeare’s Four Major Tragedies.” Language in Society 18 (2): 159–212. DOI logoGoogle Scholar; Wardhaugh 1986Wardhaugh, Ronald 1986An Introduction to Sociolinguistics. Oxford: Blackwell.Google Scholar). Afful (2006Afful, J. B. Archibald 2006 “Address Terms among University Students in Ghana: A Case Study.” Language and Intercultural Communication 6 (1): 76–91. DOI logoGoogle Scholar, 2010 2010 “Address Forms among University Students in Ghana: A Case of Gendered Identities?Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 31 (5): 443–456. DOI logoGoogle Scholar) and Cao (2007)Cao, Xianghong 2007 “The Effect of Age and Gender on the Choice of Address Forms in Chinese Personal Letters.” Journal of Sociolinguistics 11 (3): 392–407. DOI logoGoogle Scholar note that age and gender differences between the addresser and addressee also influence the use of address terms (Afful 2006Afful, J. B. Archibald 2006 “Address Terms among University Students in Ghana: A Case Study.” Language and Intercultural Communication 6 (1): 76–91. DOI logoGoogle Scholar, 2010 2010 “Address Forms among University Students in Ghana: A Case of Gendered Identities?Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 31 (5): 443–456. DOI logoGoogle Scholar; Cao 2007Cao, Xianghong 2007 “The Effect of Age and Gender on the Choice of Address Forms in Chinese Personal Letters.” Journal of Sociolinguistics 11 (3): 392–407. DOI logoGoogle Scholar). Some recent studies have also begun to explore discourse structures (Liu 2009Liu, Yonghou 2009 “Determinants of Stall-holders’ Address Forms to Customers in Beijing’s Low-status Clothing Markets.” Journal of Pragmatics 41: 638–648. DOI logoGoogle Scholar) and communicators’ geographical distribution (Fleming and Slotta 2018Fleming, Luke, and James Slotta 2018 “The Pragmatics of Kin Address: A Sociolinguistic Universal and Its Semantic Affordances.” Journal of Sociolinguistics 22 (4): 375–405. DOI logoGoogle Scholar) as factors that constrain the use of address terms.

2.2Generalization of address terms

Previous studies on address terms demonstrate that they may convey extended meaning or fictive meaning besides their original meaning (Afful 2010 2010 “Address Forms among University Students in Ghana: A Case of Gendered Identities?Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 31 (5): 443–456. DOI logoGoogle Scholar; Dickey 2004 2004 “Literal and Extended Use of Kinship Terms in Documentary Papyri.” Mnemosyne 57 (2): 131–176. DOI logoGoogle Scholar; Kueh 2013Kueh, Joshua 2013 “Adaptive Strategies of Parian Chinese Fictive Kinship and Credit in Seventeenth-century Manila.” Philippine Studies: Historical & Ethnographic Viewpoints 61 (3): 362–384. DOI logoGoogle Scholar). Studies have also identified three ways to extend the original meaning of address terms: the generalization of address terms, the inversion of address terms, and the re-interpretation of address terms (Kraska-Szlenk 2018Kraska-Szlenk, Iwona 2018 “Address Inversion in Swahili: Usage Patterns, Cognitive Motivation and Cultural Factors.” Cognitive Linguistics 29 (3): 545–583. DOI logoGoogle Scholar). Of the three ways, generalization of address terms is the most frequently discussed (Fleming and Slotta 2018Fleming, Luke, and James Slotta 2018 “The Pragmatics of Kin Address: A Sociolinguistic Universal and Its Semantic Affordances.” Journal of Sociolinguistics 22 (4): 375–405. DOI logoGoogle Scholar; Pan 1998Pan, Pan 潘攀 1998 “Lun qinshu chengwei yu de fanhua 论亲属称谓语的泛化 [On Kinship Term Generalization].” Yuyan wenzi yingyong 语言文字应用 [Applied Linguistics] (2): 34–38.Google Scholar).

According to the literature, the generalization of address terms is achieved in various ways. Firstly, they could be generalized in creative and non-literal ways, such as metaphor, irony or joking (Fitch 1991Fitch, Kristine L. 1991 “The Interplay of Linguistic Universals and Cultural Knowledge in Personal Address: Columbian Madre Terms.” Comunication Monographs 58: 254–272. DOI logoGoogle Scholar). Secondly, the address terms, especially some kinship terms, are sometimes extended to address those without blood relationships (Ren and Chen 2019Ren, Juanjuan, and Xinren Chen 2019 “Kinship Term Generalization as a Cultural Pragmatic Strategy among Chinese Graduate Students.” Pragmatics and Society 10 (4): 613–638. DOI logoGoogle Scholar). Thirdly, some general address terms (Wong 2008Wong, Andrew D. 2008 “The Trouble with Tongzhi: The Politics of Labeling among Gay and Lesbian Hongkongers.” Pragmatics 18 (2): 277–301.Google Scholar), titles or positioning address terms (Rendle-Short 2007Rendle-Short, Johanna 2007 “ ‘Catherine, You’re Wasting Your Time’: Address Terms within the Australian Political Interview.” Journal of Pragmatics 39: 1503–1525. DOI logoGoogle Scholar) are widely used in interpersonal communication, even though the addressees do not have the corresponding title or position.

Of the various generalized address terms, generalized kinship terms are the most frequently discussed by researchers (Chen 2018Chen, Jing 陈静 2018 “Fudao yuan qinshu lei shenfen dingwei xianxiang yu fenxi 辅导员亲属类身份定位现象与分析 [Analysis of the University Counselor’s Kinship Identity Positioning].” Henan keji xueyuan xuebao 河南科技学院学报 [Journal of Hennan Institute of Science and Technology] (1): 100–104.Google Scholar; Chen and Ren 2020Chen, Xinren, and Juanjuan Ren 2020 “A Memetic Cultural Practice: The Use of Generalized Kinship Terms in a Research Seminar Attended by Chinese Graduate Students.” Lingua 245: 1–11. DOI logoGoogle Scholar). Generalized kinship terms are the kin terms used for non-blood relations in specific contexts and functions (Alenizi 2019Alenizi, Aied 2019 “The Norms of Address Terms in Arabic: The Case of Saudi Speech Community.” International Journal of English Linguistics 9 (5): 227–241. DOI logoGoogle Scholar). In many languages, kinship terms are extended to refer to non-kin for politeness purposes (Hentschel 2013Hentschel, Elke 2013 “All Men Become Brothers: The Use of Kinship Terms for Non-related Persons as a Sign of Respect or Disrespect.” Linguistik Online 51: 1–12.Google Scholar) or for expressing affection (Kraska-Szlenk 2018Kraska-Szlenk, Iwona 2018 “Address Inversion in Swahili: Usage Patterns, Cognitive Motivation and Cultural Factors.” Cognitive Linguistics 29 (3): 545–583. DOI logoGoogle Scholar), which may be influenced by a variety of social factors, such as (1) the social status or rank of the other (Hentschel 2013Hentschel, Elke 2013 “All Men Become Brothers: The Use of Kinship Terms for Non-related Persons as a Sign of Respect or Disrespect.” Linguistik Online 51: 1–12.Google Scholar) and (2) the gender, age difference or family relationship between the addresser and addressee (You 2014You, Chenghong 2014 “Analysis on the Generalization of the Address Term “Teacher” in Chinese from the Perspective of Sociolinguistics.” Theory and Practice in Language Studies 4 (3): 575–580. DOI logoGoogle Scholar).

2.3Chinese generalized kinship terms

Turning now to the literature on Chinese address terms, a number of studies have examined generalized kinship terms in Chinese. Many researchers have noted their varying forms. For example, Pan (1998)Pan, Pan 潘攀 1998 “Lun qinshu chengwei yu de fanhua 论亲属称谓语的泛化 [On Kinship Term Generalization].” Yuyan wenzi yingyong 语言文字应用 [Applied Linguistics] (2): 34–38.Google Scholar exemplifies sixteen types of generalized kinship terms in Chinese. Zhao and Xu (2009)Zhao, Qi, and Xu Xiaohong 赵琪, 徐晓红 2009 “Shanghai hua he dongbei hua qinshu chenghu yu fan hua bu junheng xianxiang yanjiu 上海话和东北话亲属称呼语泛化不均衡现象研究 [A Case Study on Unbalanced Fictive Use of Kinship Terms in Northeastern Dialect and Shanghai Dialect].” Jilin shifan daxue xuebao(renwen shehui kexue ban) 吉林师范大学学报(人文社会科学版) [Jilin Normal University Journal (Humanities and Social Sciences Edition)] (1): 54–56.Google Scholar discuss different forms of Chinese generalized kinship terms used with acquaintances or strangers. Chen and Yang (2015)Chen, Qin, and Yang Xuming 陈琴, 杨绪明 2015 “ ‘Ge/jie’ deng qinshu chengwei zicheng yi fanhua yanjiu ‘哥/姐’等亲属称谓自称义泛化研究 [On the Generalization of the Self-addressed Kinship Terms ‘Ge/Jie’].” Guangxi shifan xueyuan xuebao (zhexue shehui kexue ban) 广西师范学院学报(哲学社会科学版) [Journal of Guangxi Teachers Education University (Philosophy and Social Science Edition)] 36 (1): 128–131.Google Scholar note the generalization of the self-addressed kinship terms Ge/Jie (“brother/sister”) in online discourse.

Studies on Chinese generalized kinship terms also concern their features, functions, and/or principles (Chen 1984Chen, Songcen 陈松岑 1984 “Beijing chengqu liangdairen dui shang yi bei qinshu shiyong qinshu chengwei de bianhua 北京城区两代人对上一辈亲属使用亲属称谓的变化 [The Changes of Using Kinship Terms to Address Non-kins from the Previous Generation in Beijing Downtown].” Yuwen Yanjiu 语文研究 [Linguist Research] 2: 43–49.Google Scholar; Du 2017Du, Xuan 杜璇 2017 “Xiandai hanyu qinshu chengwei de fanhua tanjiu 现代汉语亲属称谓的泛化探究 [A Study on the Modern Chinese Kinship Terms Generalization].” Xiandai yuwen 现代语文 [Modern Chinese] (3): 119–122.Google Scholar; Wang 2006Wang, Na 王娜 2006 “Xiandai hanyu qinshu chengwei yu de fan hua yanjiu 现代汉语亲属称谓语的泛化研究 [A Study on the Modern Chinese Kinship Term Generalization].” M. A. Thesis, Qufu shifan daxue 曲阜师范大学 [Qufu Normal University].). For example, Chen (1984)Chen, Songcen 陈松岑 1984 “Beijing chengqu liangdairen dui shang yi bei qinshu shiyong qinshu chengwei de bianhua 北京城区两代人对上一辈亲属使用亲属称谓的变化 [The Changes of Using Kinship Terms to Address Non-kins from the Previous Generation in Beijing Downtown].” Yuwen Yanjiu 语文研究 [Linguist Research] 2: 43–49.Google Scholar suggests that generalized kinship terms are used for relationship maintenance. Wang (2006)Wang, Na 王娜 2006 “Xiandai hanyu qinshu chengwei yu de fan hua yanjiu 现代汉语亲属称谓语的泛化研究 [A Study on the Modern Chinese Kinship Term Generalization].” M. A. Thesis, Qufu shifan daxue 曲阜师范大学 [Qufu Normal University]. discusses the intimacy principle, age principle, status principle, and politeness principle that operate behind the use of Chinese generalized address terms, arguing that the terms have both a personal designation function and a social designation function. In addition to these studies, others also address the translation of generalized kinship terms (Cong and Li 2013Cong, Li, and Li Linin 丛丽, 李琳琳 2013 “Yujing shunying lilun shijiao xia qinshu chengweiyu de fanhua fanyi yanjiu 语境顺应理论视角下亲属称谓语的泛化翻译研究 [A Study on Translation of Extended Kinship Terms under the Framework of Context Adaptability Theory].” Jinlin huagong xueyuan xuebao 吉林化工学院学报 [Journal of Jilin Institute of Chemical Technology] (10): 28–31.Google Scholar).

Furthermore, it has been found that the generalized use of Chinese kinship terms is sensitive to a number of factors. These factors include: (1) the traditional family structure and social structure (Chen and Ren 2020Chen, Xinren, and Juanjuan Ren 2020 “A Memetic Cultural Practice: The Use of Generalized Kinship Terms in a Research Seminar Attended by Chinese Graduate Students.” Lingua 245: 1–11. DOI logoGoogle Scholar); (2) the interpersonal relationship network with the family relationship as the bond and outward extension along with the relative order (Pan 1998Pan, Pan 潘攀 1998 “Lun qinshu chengwei yu de fanhua 论亲属称谓语的泛化 [On Kinship Term Generalization].” Yuyan wenzi yingyong 语言文字应用 [Applied Linguistics] (2): 34–38.Google Scholar); and (3) the purpose of constructing a social, cultural, and/or family-based identity (Sandel 2002Sandel, Todd L. 2002 “Kinship Address: Socializing Young Children in Taiwan.” Western Journal of Communication 66 (8): 257–280. DOI logoGoogle Scholar; Zhu 2010Zhu, Hua 2010 “Language Socialization and Interculturality: Address Terms in Intergenerational Talk in Chinese Diasporic Families.” Language and Intercultural Communication 10 (3): 189–205. DOI logoGoogle Scholar).

2.4Research gaps

Overall, there have been abundant and substantive studies on address terms (e.g., Afful 2006Afful, J. B. Archibald 2006 “Address Terms among University Students in Ghana: A Case Study.” Language and Intercultural Communication 6 (1): 76–91. DOI logoGoogle Scholar, 2010 2010 “Address Forms among University Students in Ghana: A Case of Gendered Identities?Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 31 (5): 443–456. DOI logoGoogle Scholar; Brown and Gilman 1960Brown, Roger, and Albert Gilman 1960 “The Pronouns of Power and Solidarity.” In Style in Language, ed. by Thomas A. Sebeok, 253–276. Cambridge: MIT Press.Google Scholar; Sandel 2002Sandel, Todd L. 2002 “Kinship Address: Socializing Young Children in Taiwan.” Western Journal of Communication 66 (8): 257–280. DOI logoGoogle Scholar), including generalized address terms (e.g., Kueh 2013Kueh, Joshua 2013 “Adaptive Strategies of Parian Chinese Fictive Kinship and Credit in Seventeenth-century Manila.” Philippine Studies: Historical & Ethnographic Viewpoints 61 (3): 362–384. DOI logoGoogle Scholar; Ren and Chen 2019Ren, Juanjuan, and Xinren Chen 2019 “Kinship Term Generalization as a Cultural Pragmatic Strategy among Chinese Graduate Students.” Pragmatics and Society 10 (4): 613–638. DOI logoGoogle Scholar). However, most of these studies address their use in face-to-face communication. It seems that little attention has been paid to the use of other-targeted address terms in online discourse. A number of questions may arise. For example, it remains unclear why the generalization of some subfamily address terms (e.g., érzi “son”) is widely found in virtual contexts, given that this violates the politeness principle (Fleming and Slotta 2018Fleming, Luke, and James Slotta 2018 “The Pragmatics of Kin Address: A Sociolinguistic Universal and Its Semantic Affordances.” Journal of Sociolinguistics 22 (4): 375–405. DOI logoGoogle Scholar). Researchers should also consider whether the generalized address terms in online discourse have the same functions as those in face-to-face communication, such as politeness, rapport management or identification (Nakassis 2014Nakassis, Constantine V. 2014 “Suspended Kinship and Youth Sociality in Tamil Nadu, India.” Current Anthropology 55 (2): 175–199. DOI logoGoogle Scholar; Quirk et al. 1985Quirk, Randolph, Sidney Greenbaum, Geoffrey Leech, and Jan Svatrvik 1985A Comprehensive Grammar of the English Language. London: Longman.Google Scholar). Moreover, it is curious why it is the case that, when address terms like “son” are generalized in online discourse, the addressers do not seem to consider the factors of power, age or gender difference (Carstarphen and Lambiase 1998Carstarphen, Meta G., and Jacqueline Johnson Lambiase 1998 “Domination and Democracy in Cyberspace: Reports from the Majority Media and Ethnic/Gender Margins.” In Cyberghetto or Cybertopia?: Race, Class, and Gender on the Internet, ed. by Bosah Ebo, 121–136. Westport & London: Praeger.Google Scholar; Fox et al. 2007Fox, Annie B., Danuta Bukatko, Mark Hallahan, and Mary Crawford 2007 “The Medium Makes a Difference Gender Similarities and Differences in Instant Messaging.” Journal of Language and Social Psychology 26 (4): 389–397. DOI logoGoogle Scholar), as if the social structure were broken down. This study will serve to fill these research gaps.

3.Methodology

3.1Research questions

To fill the research gaps above, this study explores the phenomenon and rationale of generalized address terms in online discourse by taking the Chinese “son” (érzi; hereafter referred to simply as érzi) as an example. Specifically, three questions are going to be answered:

  1. What are the referents of the address term érzi in online discourse?

  2. What functions does the generalized use of address term érzi perform in online discourse?

  3. Why do the Chinese WeChat users resort to the generalized use of address term érzi to perform these functions in online discourse?

3.2Data collection, identification, and calculation

This study collected data from WeChat users’ chatting records to answer its three questions. The chatting records include the users’ person-to-person chatting records, group chatting records, and a few posts on WeChat moments. The reason for collecting data from WeChat is that it is an online social networking medium that enables its addressers to be connected with friends and family, which has been widely used in 200 countries and by 800 million people. It is used not only by people in China but also by various Chinese-speaking communities worldwide (Li 2018Li, Jin 2018 “Digital Affordances on WeChat: Learning Chinese as a Second Language.” Computer Assisted Language Learning 31 (1–2): 27–52. DOI logoGoogle Scholar). WeChat’s wide use is owed to its two primary communicative features: First, it allows users to directly text and call each other or conduct a group chat via the ‘Chats’ feature. Second, it allows users to build an online community with friends by posting texts, photos, and video clips on their own “moments” (similar to Facebook’s news feed). By collecting data from WeChat, we can achieve a better understanding of the generalized use of address terms in online discourse.

To collect data on the address term érzi in WeChat, we randomly selected 10 (five male, five female) WeChat users ranging in age from 18 to 40. The 10 participants had varied occupations (e.g., teachers, students, researchers), and they came from seven major cities of China, such as Tianjin, Xi’an, and Chongqing. The data were collected from the users’ chatting and moment records. Through the data, the diversification of the address term érzi could be examined. Considering that age, gender, and socioeconomic status are critical factors for address terms (Afful 2010 2010 “Address Forms among University Students in Ghana: A Case of Gendered Identities?Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 31 (5): 443–456. DOI logoGoogle Scholar; Cao 2007Cao, Xianghong 2007 “The Effect of Age and Gender on the Choice of Address Forms in Chinese Personal Letters.” Journal of Sociolinguistics 11 (3): 392–407. DOI logoGoogle Scholar; Liu 2009Liu, Yonghou 2009 “Determinants of Stall-holders’ Address Forms to Customers in Beijing’s Low-status Clothing Markets.” Journal of Pragmatics 41: 638–648. DOI logoGoogle Scholar), the participants’ characteristics (including age, gender, and hometown) are listed in Table 1.

Table 1.Information on the WeChat users
Sequence Age Gender Occupational background Hometown
No.1 39 female Teacher Tianjin
No.2 37 female Doctor Tianjin
No.3 35 male Researcher Taiyuan
No.4 33 male Teacher Xi’an
No.5 31 male Researcher Wuhan
No.6 28 female House seller Tianjin
No.7 26 male Student Chongqing
No.8 24 male Inspector of airplane operation Huhehaote
No.9 22 female Cabin attendant Nanchang
No.10 18 female Student Fuzhou

During the data collection process, the 10 WeChat users were asked to search their WeChat chatting records (including person-to-person chatting and group chatting) and moment records (including posts on moments and readers’ responses). Then, they handed over the chatting records or posts involving the use of the address term érzi voluntarily.

When sorting out the data, we found that some conversations had more than one érzi in a single excerpt. We then consistently identified each occurrence of érzi as a case. By calculation, we reached a total of 1,120 cases related to the address term érzi, which involved 596 addressers.

To guarantee the validity of the identification and calculation, the two researchers double-checked the process and reached a consensus. Ethical procedures were followed for data collection concerning obtaining consent and protecting the identity of participants.

3.3Data analysis

Based on the data collected from WeChat, we set out to answer the three research questions by adhering to the following data analysis procedures.

Question 1 was answered by analyzing the chatting records in WeChat or posts on WeChat moments. Over the course of the analysis, it was fairly easy to determine the referents of érzi because most of the addressers remarked on the addressee’s name or the relation with the addressee on WeChat. For example, the researcher could recognize the identity of the addressee as a father because there was the WeChat note “father” on the recordings provided by the participant. If there was no remark matching the addressed érzi, the researcher interviewed the addresser of érzi to identify its referents.

After the first step was completed, the study moved on to answer Question 2 by analyzing the same chatting records or posts and interviewing some of the addressers who used érzi. Specifically, when the researcher found that érzi had an extended meaning, the researcher analyzed the functions of érzi and the addresser’s intention. If the researcher was unsure of the address term’s function, the researcher interviewed the addresser to determine whether he/she used érzi for some specific function. Besides, the addressees’ or readers’ responses would also contribute to understanding the functions of érzi.

Finally, the discussion section will provide an answer to Question 3.

4.Results

4.1Referents of the generalized address term érzi

Through the coding procedure, our identification of the referents of érzi yielded eight categories. The referents included the addressers’ male descendant, male classmate, male friend, boyfriend, female classmate, female friend, girlfriend, and pet. Among them, the address term érzi had a faithful meaning (or original meaning; McCarthy 2008McCarthy, John 2008Doing Optimality Theory: Applying Theory to Data. Malden: Blackwell Publishing. DOI logoGoogle Scholar) when used to refer to the addresser’s male descendant. In Example (1), the addresser, a mother, used érzi to address her son when asking whether he is adapting to the new school. The érzi in Example (1) thus conveys a faithful meaning. Indeed, the faithful meaning instances of érzi constituted the vast majority. That is, about three-quarters of the cases (837/1120) conveyed faithful meaning. After all, this is the basis for the generalized use of the address term.

(1)

(Context: The addresser, a mother, is chatting with her 13-year-old son, who is studying in the UK)

A:

儿子呀,在学校里还适应吗?

Érzi ya, zài xuéxiào lǐ hái shìyìng ma?

‘Dear son, is it difficult to adapt to the new school?’

B:

这里超级棒!早上我还听到院子后面的鸟在叫。

Zhèlǐ chāojí bàng! Zǎoshang wǒ hái tīng dào yuànzi hòumiàn de niǎo zài jiào.

‘It’s really nice here! I even heard the birds sing in the backyard this morning.’

Apart from the canonical use, érzi is also found to convey some virtual meanings, as indicated by its seven other referents in our data. By virtual meaning, or extended meaning (Afful 2010 2010 “Address Forms among University Students in Ghana: A Case of Gendered Identities?Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 31 (5): 443–456. DOI logoGoogle Scholar; Dickey 2004 2004 “Literal and Extended Use of Kinship Terms in Documentary Papyri.” Mnemosyne 57 (2): 131–176. DOI logoGoogle Scholar; Kraska-Szlenk 2018Kraska-Szlenk, Iwona 2018 “Address Inversion in Swahili: Usage Patterns, Cognitive Motivation and Cultural Factors.” Cognitive Linguistics 29 (3): 545–583. DOI logoGoogle Scholar), we mean that the address term is not used to convey its original meaning but some other meanings not found in the dictionary. Such uses occurred frequently in our data, approximately in a quarter of the cases (283/1120). As observed, the seven referents of érzi used with a virtual meaning could be classified into three categories. In what follows, this section discusses the three categories separately based on examples from the collected data.

First, the generalized address term érzi in online discourse may refer to a male non-descendent. More specifically, the referents could be the addresser’s male classmate, male friend or boyfriend. Instances of these referents can be found in Examples (2)–(4). In Example (2), the address term érzi refers to the addresser’s boyfriend. A background investigation indicated the romantic relationship between the addresser and the addressee. The addresser always addresses her boyfriend as érzi in daily communication, which is a kind of sajiao style (Yueh 2017Yueh, Hsin-I. 2017Identity Politics and Popular Culture in Taiwan: A Sajiao Generation. London: Lexington Books.Google Scholar). Here, while addressing her boyfriend as érzi, she is requesting that he give her a gift on Father’s Day. In the conversation, the addressee, B, also calls the addresser érzi, and jokes “do you still remember who you are?” The addressee is not blaming the addresser because of her sajiao words. Rather, the joking words of the addressee may enhance their romantic relationship.

(2)

(Context: The addresser, a female student, is chatting with her boyfriend through WeChat. The addresser has just received a gift from her boyfriend, and is waiting for another gift on Father’s Day)

A:

儿子乖,父亲节的时候也记得这么做

Érzi guāi, fùqīn jié de shíhòu yě jìdé zhème zuò.

‘Good and well-behaved son, remember to do the same on Father’s Day!’

B:

儿子你咋一觉醒来不知带自己是谁了

Érzi nǐ zǎ yī juéxǐng lái bu zhī dài zìjǐ shì shéile

‘Son, do you still remember who you are?’

In Example (3), the address term érzi refers to the addresser’s male classmate/roommate, Zhang Jia (nickname). These classmates/roommates generally call each other érzi in WeChat person-to-person chatting or group chatting. Here, the addresser tries to tease his classmate by addressing him with érzi. In response to the addresser, the addressee, Zhang Jia, sends him a GIF, which includes a doll holding a knife, and a sentence. The GIF means that Zhang Jia wants to give the addresser’s mum a knife. Literally, the addressee’s response could be interpreted as rapport threatening (Spencer-Otaey 2000Spencer-Oteay, Helen 2000Culturally Speaking Culture, Communication and Politeness Theory. New York: Continuum International Publishing Group.Google Scholar), which is apparently impolite. However, in actuality, the impolite form of this GIF does not convey the addressee’s impolite intention. Instead, it works as a mock impoliteness strategy, which will contribute to maintaining interpersonal relationships (Taylor 2016Taylor, Charlotte 2016Mock Politeness in English and Italian: A Corpus-assisted Metalanguage Analysis. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamin Publishing Company. DOI logoGoogle Scholar).

(3)

(Context: The addresser, a male student, is chatting with his two classmates in a WeChat group)

A:

@ 张佳 儿子 你什么时候来找我

@ Zhāng jiā érzi nǐ shénme shíhòu lái zhǎo wǒ

‘@ Zhāng jiā son, when will you come to see me?’

B:

ex3b.svg

Wǒ gěi nǐ mā yīdāo?

‘Should I give your mum a knife?’

Now, let’s consider Example (4), where the generalized address term érzi refers to the addresser’s male friend. Here, the addresser (a female) addresses B as érzi and states that she wants to do advertisements for B. The generalized address term érzi in this conversation is not used for the sake of conveying politeness (Hentschel 2013Hentschel, Elke 2013 “All Men Become Brothers: The Use of Kinship Terms for Non-related Persons as a Sign of Respect or Disrespect.” Linguistik Online 51: 1–12.Google Scholar) or expressing affection (Kraska-Szlenk 2018Kraska-Szlenk, Iwona 2018 “Address Inversion in Swahili: Usage Patterns, Cognitive Motivation and Cultural Factors.” Cognitive Linguistics 29 (3): 545–583. DOI logoGoogle Scholar). Rather, it demonstrates the addresser’s intimacy with the addressee, B. Besides, the addressee’s response “you are so handsome” also demonstrates their intimacy.

(4)

(Context: The addresser, a female house seller, is chatting with her male friend)

A:

儿子,你也要做微商吗?那我帮你宣传下

Érzi, nǐ yě yào zuò wēi shāng ma? Nà wǒ bāng nǐ xuānchuán xià.

‘Son, are you doing WeChat business? If so, I will advertise your products.’

B:

你也太帅了叭

Nǐ yě tài shuàile bā

‘You are so handsome.’

Second, the generalized address term érzi sometimes refers to a female non-descendant. Examples (5)–(7) are cases in point. The address term érzi in Example (5) refers to the addresser’s girlfriend. By saying, “Honey, when will you arrive…”, the addresser states what he is doing and expresses his expectation of B’s coming. We noticed that the addresser’s hometown is Chongqing, and he used Chongqing dialect frequently. In Example (5), “ (yo)” is an indicator of his Chongqing dialect. Thus, the generalized use of some address terms might be specific to some Chinese dialects (Ren and Chen 2019Ren, Juanjuan, and Xinren Chen 2019 “Kinship Term Generalization as a Cultural Pragmatic Strategy among Chinese Graduate Students.” Pragmatics and Society 10 (4): 613–638. DOI logoGoogle Scholar). We must also note that “ (yo)”, similarly to the mood auxiliary words “ (sa)” and “ (ya)” in this conversation, enjoys an online usage widespread among WeChat users (Zhou 2019Zhou, Lei 周雷 2019 “Wangluo liuxing yu ‘X ya’ weitan 网络流行语‘X鸭’微探 [An Exploration of the Internet Buzzword ‘X ya (duck)’].” Hanzi wenhua 汉字文化 [Chinese Character Culture] 13: 103–106.Google Scholar). The generalized address term érzi, collocating with these words, indicates the addresser’s sajiao style (Yueh 2017Yueh, Hsin-I. 2017Identity Politics and Popular Culture in Taiwan: A Sajiao Generation. London: Lexington Books.Google Scholar). More importantly, it implies the addresser’s attitude and involvement in a conversation, thus contributing to a harmonious communicative context (Lee et al. 2017Lee, Heeju, Danjie Su, and Hongyin Tao 2017 “A Crosslinguistic Study of Some Extended Uses of What-based Interrogative Expressions in Chinese, English, and Korean.” Chinese Language and Discourse 8 (2): 137–173. DOI logoGoogle Scholar).

(5)

(Context: The addresser, a male inspector, is chatting with his girlfriend)

A:

儿子,你啥时候到哟?等你好久了。

Érzi, nǐ shà shíhòu dào yō? děng nǐ hǎojiǔle.

‘Honey, when will you arrive? I have been waiting for you for a long time.’

B:

马上到了撒,你再等我会鸭。

Mǎshàng dàole sā, nǐ zài děng wǒ huì yā.

‘I will arrive soon. Wait for a movement.’

The address term érzi in Example (6) refers to the addresser’s female roommate. Here, we can infer that the addresser wants to celebrate a birthday with her roommate B. Instead of addressing her roommate by name, the addresser uses érzi. As a response, B thanks the addresser, “蔷劳斯 (Miss Qiang)”. In this conversation, “劳斯” is a homophonic address term (Che 2019Che, Yuejiao 车越娇 2019 “Jiyu shehui yuyan xue de nvxing fensi yanyu shequ yanjiu 基于社会语言学的女性粉丝言语社区研究 [Research on the Speech Community of Female Fans Based on Sociolinguistics].” M.A. thesis, Bohai daxue 渤海大学 [Bohai University].) of lǎoshi (teacher), which is also frequently used in online discourse.

(6)

(Context: The addresser, a student, is chatting with her roommate and celebrating her birthday through WeChat)

A:

狗儿子,生日快乐,永远18岁🎂🎂🎂 一直爱你❤

Gǒu érzi, shēngrì kuàilè, yǒngyuǎn shíbā suì🎂🎂🎂 yīzhí ài nǐ❤

‘Happy birthday, dog son. Wish you were 18 years old forever 🎂🎂🎂 Love you forever❤’

B:

谢谢蔷劳斯😚!

Xièxiè qiáng láo sī 😚!

‘Thank you, Miss Qiang😚!’

The addresser in Example (7) is a female who has graduated from college recently. By using the address term érzi, the addresser refers to her female colleague. Here, the addresser focuses on the fact that her colleague B has been slapped. In response to the addresser, B says, “our friendship boat is overturned”. The sentence literally means that they are not friends anymore. Actually, B’s words are meant as a joke, which does not entail any impolite intention (Taylor 2016Taylor, Charlotte 2016Mock Politeness in English and Italian: A Corpus-assisted Metalanguage Analysis. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamin Publishing Company. DOI logoGoogle Scholar).

(7)

(Context: The addresser, a female, is chatting with her colleague and talking about their experience of watching a movie)

A:

儿子,你还记得看电影的时候挨了多少揍吗?

Érzi, nǐ hái jìdé kàn diànyǐng de shíhòu āile duōshǎo zòu ma?

‘Son, do you remember how many times I slapped you while watching the movie?’

B:

啊呜 我们友谊的小船翻了!

A wū wǒmen yǒuyì de xiǎochuán fānle!

‘Oh, our friendship boat is overturned!’

Moreover, even though the address term érzi has a virtual meaning in Examples (2)–(3) and (4)–(6), there is a difference in the degree of identification. When érzi refers to a male, it is easier to identify because of human cognitive categories (Ungerer and Schmid 1996Ungerer, Friedrich, and Hans-Jörg Schmid 1996An Introduction to Cognitive Linguistics. London & New York: Longman.Google Scholar), whereas identification is more challenging when érzi is used to refer to a female.

Third, the generalized address term érzi also refers to the users’ pet (most of the time, it is the addresser’s pet dog). In Example (8), érzi refers to the addresser’s pet dog. When referring to the pet dog, the address term érzi also has a virtual meaning. Here, the addresser mentions a conversation with her dog. By addressing it as “baby” and “big son” (dà érzi), she implies her love for her pet. Addressing the dog as érzi is an example of cute playfulness, or a sajiao style frequently used in online discourse (Yueh 2017Yueh, Hsin-I. 2017Identity Politics and Popular Culture in Taiwan: A Sajiao Generation. London: Lexington Books.Google Scholar).

(8)

(Context: The addresser updated her post on WeChat moments. The post is about her conversation with her pet dog last night)

昨夜我关灯要睡觉,大白就跑到我跟前用鼻子蹭蹭我的鼻子。我对它说“宝宝,大儿子,去睡觉吧”。大白扭头就回阳台接着睡觉了。

ex8.svg

Zuòyè wǒ guān dēng yào shuìjiào, dàbái jiù pǎo dào wǒ gēnqián yòng bízi cèng cèng wǒ de bízi. Wǒ duì tā shuō “bǎobǎo, dà érzi, qù shuìjiào ba”. Dàbái niǔtóu jiù huí yángtái jiēzhe shuìjiàole.

‘When I turned off the light and went to bed, Da Bai ran to me and nuzzled my nose. I said to it “baby, big son, go to sleep”. Dabai turned his head back to the balcony and went to bed.’

4.2Functions of the generalized address term érzi

The faithful and virtual meaning of the address term érzi, as mentioned above, imply that érzi has different functions. When érzi is used as a non-generalized address term to convey its faithful meaning, it indexes a referential or descriptive function (cf. Jakobson 1960Jakobson, Roman 1960 “Linguistic and Poetics.” In Style in Language, ed. by Thomas A. Sebeok, 350–377. Cambridge: MIT Press.Google Scholar; Lyons 1977Lyons, John 1977Semantics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar) for the purpose of relationship maintenance (Spencer-Otaey 2000Spencer-Oteay, Helen 2000Culturally Speaking Culture, Communication and Politeness Theory. New York: Continuum International Publishing Group.Google Scholar). However, when érzi is generalized to convey a virtual meaning, it will extend beyond the description or reference function, to enact social functions such as conveying politeness, as proposed by Chen (1984)Chen, Songcen 陈松岑 1984 “Beijing chengqu liangdairen dui shang yi bei qinshu shiyong qinshu chengwei de bianhua 北京城区两代人对上一辈亲属使用亲属称谓的变化 [The Changes of Using Kinship Terms to Address Non-kins from the Previous Generation in Beijing Downtown].” Yuwen Yanjiu 语文研究 [Linguist Research] 2: 43–49.Google Scholar and Wang (2006)Wang, Na 王娜 2006 “Xiandai hanyu qinshu chengwei yu de fan hua yanjiu 现代汉语亲属称谓语的泛化研究 [A Study on the Modern Chinese Kinship Term Generalization].” M. A. Thesis, Qufu shifan daxue 曲阜师范大学 [Qufu Normal University]., among others. To demonstrate the functions of the generalized érzi, this section will analyse some examples from the collected data. Besides, we will support our analysis with feedback from our interviews with some of the addressers.

A noticeable function of the generalized address term érzi in online discourse is relationship enhancement (Spencer-Otaey 2000Spencer-Oteay, Helen 2000Culturally Speaking Culture, Communication and Politeness Theory. New York: Continuum International Publishing Group.Google Scholar). This echoes some prior studies on the relationship enhancement function of kinship address terms (e.g., Hampel 2015Hampel, Elisabeth 2015 “ ‘Mama Zimbi, Pls Help Me!’ – Gender Differences in (Im)politeness in Ghanaian English Advice-giving on Facebook.” Journal of Politeness Research 11 (1): 99–130. DOI logoGoogle Scholar; Mavunga et al. 2014Mavunga, George, John Mutambwa, and Partson Kutsaru 2014 “ ‘Iwe’ or ‘imi’? An Analysis of Terms of Address Used by Police Officers at Mbare Police Station.” Language Matters 45 (1): 148–161. DOI logoGoogle Scholar). Following prior studies that focused on the relationship maintenance function of family members with a higher rank (Dickey 1997Dickey, Eleanor 1997 “Forms of Address and Terms of Reference.” Journal of Linguistics 33: 255–274. DOI logoGoogle Scholar), we find that the generalized descendant address term érzi has a similar function. For example, when the addressers say “honey, when will you arrive” (Example [5]) and “happy birthday, dog son (gǒu érzi)” (Example [6]), they always use a friendly tone. Like many other address terms, the generalized address term érzi expresses closeness and solidarity between the addresser and the addressee (Hampel 2015Hampel, Elisabeth 2015 “ ‘Mama Zimbi, Pls Help Me!’ – Gender Differences in (Im)politeness in Ghanaian English Advice-giving on Facebook.” Journal of Politeness Research 11 (1): 99–130. DOI logoGoogle Scholar). The addressees’ responses in these examples imply that their relationship with the addresser is not challenged but enhanced. For example, when the addresser wishes the addressee a happy birthday and calls her “dog son”, the addressee is not angry but instead thanks the addresser. We also found supporting evidence of this in the interviews with the addressers. When one of the interviewees was asked why he used “son” to refer to his friend, he said, “I use ‘son’ only when he/she is a friend of mine. However, when he/she is a stranger, I would not use it”. Through the examples and interviews, it can be observed that the address term érzi, like other address terms (Mühlhäusler and Harré 1990Mühlhaüsler, Peter, and Rom Harré 1990Pronouns and People: The Linguistic Construction of Social and Personal Identity. Oxford: Basil Blackwell.Google Scholar; Zhu 2010Zhu, Hua 2010 “Language Socialization and Interculturality: Address Terms in Intergenerational Talk in Chinese Diasporic Families.” Language and Intercultural Communication 10 (3): 189–205. DOI logoGoogle Scholar), can work as a relationship enhancement device.

Secondly, the generalized address term érzi in Chinese online discourse is also used in jocular abuse. Previous studies have shown that address terms may have the function of teasing or jocular abuse (Afful 2010 2010 “Address Forms among University Students in Ghana: A Case of Gendered Identities?Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 31 (5): 443–456. DOI logoGoogle Scholar; Chen 2019Chen, Xinren 2019 “ ‘You’re a Nuisance!’: ‘Patch-up’ Jocular Abuse in Chinese Fiction.” Journal of Pragmatics 139: 52–63. DOI logoGoogle Scholar). However, there is no literature indicating that kin terms may also have this function. That is, no research has been conducted on the relation between kin terms and jocular abuse. The data collected from WeChat chatting records demonstrate that some address terms (such as érzi) also have the jocular abuse function. For example, when the addresser in Example (2) said, “Good and well-behaved son (érzi guāi), remember to do the same on Father’s Day!”, she was trying to tease the addressee. In response to the address, the addressee also called his girlfriend érzi in a teasing tone. This teasing tone when calling each other érzi lends support to Sandel et al.’s (2019)Sandel, Todd L., Chuyue Ou, Dorji Wangchuk, Bei Ju, and Miguel Duque 2019 “Unpacking and Describing Interaction on Chinese WeChat: A Methodological Approach.” Journal of Pragmatics 143: 228–241. DOI logoGoogle Scholar argument that WeChat affords playfulness in interaction. To confirm the jocular abuse function of érzi, we interviewed some of the addressers. An interviewee replied, “I have a good relationship with my roommate. I call him ‘son’ to tease”. Another interviewee said, “Sometimes, I call my boyfriend ‘son’ for teasing. For example, when my boyfriend asked me for help, I would say ‘call me papa’”. Thus, it is clear from the examples and interviews that the address term érzi is deliberately used with a jocular abuse function, especially when the referent is the addresser’s close friend or boyfriend.

In addition, the address term érzi could enact the function of expressing the addresser’s fondness of his/her pet. For example, when saying, “baby, big son (dà érzi), go to sleep” (Example [8]), the addresser refers to her pet dog. Besides this, the interview also provided evidence that érzi can express the addressers’ favor to their pets. For example, an interviewee said, “I would call my pet ‘son’ to show my favor to it. I love the pet as my real son”. It can be observed from the examples and interviews that one particular function of the generalized address term érzi is to express the addresser’s affection towards his/her pets. This finding of an emotional function may enrich prior studies of Chinese generalized terms’ functions (Chen 1984Chen, Songcen 陈松岑 1984 “Beijing chengqu liangdairen dui shang yi bei qinshu shiyong qinshu chengwei de bianhua 北京城区两代人对上一辈亲属使用亲属称谓的变化 [The Changes of Using Kinship Terms to Address Non-kins from the Previous Generation in Beijing Downtown].” Yuwen Yanjiu 语文研究 [Linguist Research] 2: 43–49.Google Scholar; Chen and Ren 2020Chen, Xinren, and Juanjuan Ren 2020 “A Memetic Cultural Practice: The Use of Generalized Kinship Terms in a Research Seminar Attended by Chinese Graduate Students.” Lingua 245: 1–11. DOI logoGoogle Scholar; Wang 2006Wang, Na 王娜 2006 “Xiandai hanyu qinshu chengwei yu de fan hua yanjiu 现代汉语亲属称谓语的泛化研究 [A Study on the Modern Chinese Kinship Term Generalization].” M. A. Thesis, Qufu shifan daxue 曲阜师范大学 [Qufu Normal University].).

In sum, the virtual meaning of érzi, in contrast to its faithful meaning, has some special functions such as relationship enhancement, jocular abuse, and expressing affection towards pets.

5.Discussion

The analysis above demonstrates that the generalized address term érzi in online Chinese communication exhibits both faithful meaning (McCarthy 2008McCarthy, John 2008Doing Optimality Theory: Applying Theory to Data. Malden: Blackwell Publishing. DOI logoGoogle Scholar) and virtual meaning. In the former case, the address term refers to a male descendant of (a) parent(s). In the latter case involving generalized usage, it may refer to a male non-descendant, female non-descendant, or even the addresser’s pet. In particular, the generalized use of the address term achieves several special functions, including relationship enhancement, jocular abuse, and fondness expression. The diversified referents and functions of the generalized address term demonstrate a tendency for virtualization. The phenomenon of virtualization, which is arguably a manifestation of subjectification (Traugott 1989Traugott, Elizabeth Closs 1989 “On the Rise of Epistemic Meanings in English: An Example of Subjectification in Semantic Change.” Language 57: 33–65. DOI logoGoogle Scholar), suggests that the WeChat users’ attitude, emotion, and involvement (Lee et al. 2017Lee, Heeju, Danjie Su, and Hongyin Tao 2017 “A Crosslinguistic Study of Some Extended Uses of What-based Interrogative Expressions in Chinese, English, and Korean.” Chinese Language and Discourse 8 (2): 137–173. DOI logoGoogle Scholar) are conveyed by virtue of the generalization of the kin term in online discourse. In the usage, the virtual meaning and relational function are strengthened, whereas the faithful meaning and referential function are weakened. Fundamentally, we may argue that the virtualization stems from WeChat users’ adaptation to their needs in the cyber-media context (Yus 2011Yus, Francisco 2011Cyberpragmatics: Internet-mediated Communication in Context. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. DOI logoGoogle Scholar). More specifically, they are driven by two types of needs in a virtual community, presented below.

One is the need for vague identity in online communication. Apparently, most of the generalized kin terms in face-to-face communication are address terms for ascendants, such as mother (), father (), aunt (āyí/bómǔ), uncle (shūshu/bófù), older sister (jiějiě), and older brother (gēgē). These fictive kinship terms (Kraska-Szlenk 2018Kraska-Szlenk, Iwona 2018 “Address Inversion in Swahili: Usage Patterns, Cognitive Motivation and Cultural Factors.” Cognitive Linguistics 29 (3): 545–583. DOI logoGoogle Scholar; Kueh 2013Kueh, Joshua 2013 “Adaptive Strategies of Parian Chinese Fictive Kinship and Credit in Seventeenth-century Manila.” Philippine Studies: Historical & Ethnographic Viewpoints 61 (3): 362–384. DOI logoGoogle Scholar) construct communicators’ relational identity as “family members” (Chen 2022 2022Exploring Identity Work in Chinese Communication. London: Bloomsbury. DOI logoGoogle Scholar; Ren and Chen 2019Ren, Juanjuan, and Xinren Chen 2019 “Kinship Term Generalization as a Cultural Pragmatic Strategy among Chinese Graduate Students.” Pragmatics and Society 10 (4): 613–638. DOI logoGoogle Scholar). However, in a WeChat virtual community, the real identity and social attributes of the communicators are ignored or even hidden (Yus 2011Yus, Francisco 2011Cyberpragmatics: Internet-mediated Communication in Context. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. DOI logoGoogle Scholar). That is, because the age, gender, social status, and even social relations of the addresser and the addressee (Zhu 2010Zhu, Hua 2010 “Language Socialization and Interculturality: Address Terms in Intergenerational Talk in Chinese Diasporic Families.” Language and Intercultural Communication 10 (3): 189–205. DOI logoGoogle Scholar) may not be considered significant in online communication (Hampel 2015Hampel, Elisabeth 2015 “ ‘Mama Zimbi, Pls Help Me!’ – Gender Differences in (Im)politeness in Ghanaian English Advice-giving on Facebook.” Journal of Politeness Research 11 (1): 99–130. DOI logoGoogle Scholar), the communicators’ identity will not have to be presented, which is, however, usually the case in face-to-face communication (Zhang and Ma 2021Zhang, Jie, and Ma Yikun 张杰, 马一琨 2021 “Yujing bengkui: Pingtai ke gong xing haishi xin shehui qingjing? – Gainian suyuan yu lilun jifa 语境崩溃:平台可供性还是新社会情境—概念溯源与理论激发 [Context Collapse: Platform Availability or New Social Context?: Concept tracing and theoretical inspiration]” Xinwen jizhe 新闻记者 [Shanghai Journalism Review] (2): 27–38.Google Scholar). Instead of focusing on the communicators’ age, gender or social status, the addresser in a virtual community may opt to construct a temporary and even fictive identity (Sandel 2002Sandel, Todd L. 2002 “Kinship Address: Socializing Young Children in Taiwan.” Western Journal of Communication 66 (8): 257–280. DOI logoGoogle Scholar) for the addressee.

The other type of need at play here is the need for interpersonal relating in online communication. While factors such as age and gender do not have to be considered in a virtual context, the addresser does consider the relationship with the addressee. As the literature demonstrates, the addresser has the need to negotiate or manage the relationship with the addressee in a virtual context (Quirk et al. 1985Quirk, Randolph, Sidney Greenbaum, Geoffrey Leech, and Jan Svatrvik 1985A Comprehensive Grammar of the English Language. London: Longman.Google Scholar; You 2014You, Chenghong 2014 “Analysis on the Generalization of the Address Term “Teacher” in Chinese from the Perspective of Sociolinguistics.” Theory and Practice in Language Studies 4 (3): 575–580. DOI logoGoogle Scholar; Yus 2011Yus, Francisco 2011Cyberpragmatics: Internet-mediated Communication in Context. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. DOI logoGoogle Scholar). For example, we could always find evidence that the addressers use érzi in a friendly tone. The friendly tone expresses closeness and solidarity between addresser and addressee (Hampel 2015Hampel, Elisabeth 2015 “ ‘Mama Zimbi, Pls Help Me!’ – Gender Differences in (Im)politeness in Ghanaian English Advice-giving on Facebook.” Journal of Politeness Research 11 (1): 99–130. DOI logoGoogle Scholar). Besides, when using érzi in a generalized manner, the addressers could make clear that they do so with the purpose of jocular abuse. Such mock impoliteness can be a strategy used for fostering intimacy with intimate partners or close friends (Chen 2019Chen, Xinren 2019 “ ‘You’re a Nuisance!’: ‘Patch-up’ Jocular Abuse in Chinese Fiction.” Journal of Pragmatics 139: 52–63. DOI logoGoogle Scholar). Since érzi connotes deep affection, the generalized use of the address term has a positive effect on the relationship with the addressee. That is why the generalized address term érzi is widely used in online communication even though it may threaten the addressee’s face, which is highly valued in a real hierarchical social network (Arundale 2010Arundale, Robert B. 2010 “Constituting Face in Conversation: Face, Facework, and Interactional Achievement.” Journal of Pragmatics 42 (8): 2078–2105. DOI logoGoogle Scholar; Yang 2021Yang, Kun 2021 “Disclaimer as a Metapragmatic Device in Chinese: A Corpus Based Study.” Journal of Pragmatics 173: 167–176. DOI logoGoogle Scholar).

To satisfy the two needs, online communicators are supposed to share some background knowledge about communication in the cyber context (Yus 2011Yus, Francisco 2011Cyberpragmatics: Internet-mediated Communication in Context. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. DOI logoGoogle Scholar). As the WeChat users involved in the examples were close friends or intimate partners, the addressers knew who érzi referred to despite the fact that they were not engaged in face-to-face communication. Further, “non-insiders” like third readers of WeChat moments will be prevented from knowing whom the addresser is referring to.

6.Conclusion

In this paper, we have primarily analyzed the referents, functions, and motivations involved in the use of the generalized address term érzi. We have also discussed why WeChat users could manage to enact these functions online, based on data collected from WeChat and feedback from interviews. It was found that the Chinese address form conveys either faithful meaning, when it refers to a male child, or virtual meaning, when it refers to the addresser’s friends, classmates or pets. In a virtual context, the generalized use of the address term may perform functions such as relationship enhancement, jocular abuse or fondness expression. This paper also argued that the generalized address term érzi might well originate in WeChat users’ needs for identity avoidance and relation management in a virtual community. The enactment of these functions is made possible by the affordances of the virtual context of WeChat and the shared knowledge on the part of the communicators involved.

This study may help to better understand the use of generalized address terms in a virtual context and can contribute to the development of cyberpragmatics with regard to online communication. It also supplies new evidence for the subjectification and virtualization of lexical items (Lee et al. 2017Lee, Heeju, Danjie Su, and Hongyin Tao 2017 “A Crosslinguistic Study of Some Extended Uses of What-based Interrogative Expressions in Chinese, English, and Korean.” Chinese Language and Discourse 8 (2): 137–173. DOI logoGoogle Scholar) in online discourse; i.e., how the virtual context may give rise to relational functions for lexical items while coercing their semantic “distortion”. Practically, the study may provide a window on how Chinese young people, especially university students, manage their relations by way of addressing each other online in particular ways, something that is quite impossible for their mentors or parents to find out or understand from their daily face-to-face interactions.

This study has also not covered some relevant issues and thus leaves room for future research. One issue that remains underexplored is the interpretation mechanism of generalized address terms in internet-mediated communication (including WeChat, MicroBlog, Twitter, etc.). Even though an addresser may try to maintain a relationship with the addressee, it is unclear whether the addressee will interpret the address terms as the addresser has expected. Thus, more efforts should be made to examine how the varied referents of érzi could be interpreted by adapting to the virtual context.

Funding

The research was funded by the project “Crisis response discourse of government microblog and the construction of governance language capacity (20AYY009)” supported by the national philosophy and social science office, and the project “Research on the guidance of core values in college students” career planning in the new era (2018SJA0009)” supported by the philosophy and social science foundation of Jiangsu higher institutions.

Acknowledgements

We would like to thank Professor Chen Xinren and the anonymous reviewers of this paper. Their valuable suggestions made the paper better than we anticipated. The remaining shortcomings are solely ours.

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Address for correspondence

Jing Chen

Nanjing University

No. 163 Xianlin Road, Qixia District

Nanjing City, 210023

China

[email protected]

Biographical notes

Kun Yang is an English teacher at the Department of Foreign Languages of Nanjing Normal University. He received his Ph.D in Linguistics and Applied Linguistics from Nanjing University. His research interest is pragmatics and English pedagogy.

Jing Chen is an associate professor at the School of Foreign Studies, Nanjing University. She received her Ph.D. in Higher Education from Nanjing University. Her research interests include higher education, psychology, and pragmatics.