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Differential object marking, arbitrary SE and agreement

Some notes from Ragusa

 | Università di Modena e Reggio Emilia
ORCiD logo with link | Università di Modena e Reggio Emilia | Scuola Universitaria Superiore IUSS
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Abstract
This study examines the co-occurrence of differential object marking (DOM), arbitrary SE, and agreement in the Italo-Romance dialect of Ragusa. The data reveal a pattern that differs from Peninsular Spanish and other Romance varieties: with arbitrary SE, the verb must agree with the marked object. Various diagnostics indicate that no implicit agent is represented in the syntax in these constructions. We argue that DOM is licensed in the lower verbal domain, while the object remains accessible as a goal for Agree with T and may raise above VoiceP. These findings challenge the traditional distinction between passive and impersonal SE constructions, emphasizing a less address microvariation locus in Romance.
Article outline
  • 1.Introduction
  • 2.DOM and SI in the Italo-Romance dialect of Ragusa
    • 2.1SIarb in Ragusa
  • 3.DOM and the competition with the subject
  • 4.SIMP and (absence of) the IA
    • 4.1Impersonal and generic SI
  • 5.The licensing of DOM in SEpass
  • 6.Conclusions
  • Notes
  • The abbreviations are as follows
  • Author queries
  • References
References (74)
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