In:Diachronic and Typological Perspectives on Anticausativization
Edited by Guglielmo Inglese, Giulia Mazzola and Eugenio Goria
[Typological Studies in Language 138] 2026
► pp. 418–447
Chapter 13Causal-noncausal alternations in P’urhepecha
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Abstract
In this chapter we present the causal and noncausal coding patterns for 31 verb pairs in P’urhepecha
(isolate, western Mexico). We observe a strong preference for an equipollent coding type through contrasting suffixes, and a
secondary preference for a suffix-marked causative type. The variety of suffixes used is striking; while
-kurhi functions as the most common noncausal marker, causal meaning is mainly split between the three
voice/valency suffixes -ra, -ta and -ku. The suffix -ka also surfaces in
three verb pairs, as do spatial locative and direction suffixes with phoneme-level transitivity alternations. Explanations
from previous literature cannot adequately account for these patterns. The presence of such variation suggests that
P’urhepecha has undergone a series of diachronic processes of grammaticalisation and replacement.
Article outline
- 1.Introduction
- 2.Structure of the P’urhepecha verb
- 3.Causal-noncausal alternations in P’urhepecha
- 3.1Method
- 3.2Findings
- 3.2.1Anticausative coding type
- 3.2.2Causative coding type
- 3.2.3Equipollent coding type
- 4.Discussion
- 4.1Variation in marking
- 4.2Suffix ambiguity
- 4.3From sound to meaning
- 4.4Methodological reflection
- 5.Conclusion and avenues for further research
- Author queries
Acknowledgements Notes Abbreviations References
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