This paper brings into question recent proposals that all types of Hungarian verbal modifiers are merged in the complement zone of the verb, and argues that certain verbal particles and resultatives are merged as specifiers in the extended verb phrase. The empirical focus of the paper is inseparable particle verbs. Verbal particles and resultatives do not behave uniformly when it comes to combinability with inseparable particle verbs: some particles and resultatives can co-occur with inseparable particles verbs, while others cannot. We will argue that particles and resultatives that belong to the former group are merged in a specifier position, while those belonging to the latter group are merged in the verb’s complement. Our results also support the view that objects are merged as specifiers rather than as complements (Bowers, 1993; Arad, 1996; Hale & Keyser, 1993; and Den Dikken, 2015b).
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2020. Back to restitutives (again): A syntactic account of restitutive and counterdirectional verbal particles in Hungarian. Acta Linguistica Academica 67:3 ► pp. 319 ff.
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2018. Dissecting Adpositional Particle Constructions: Remarks from Ellipsis. In Boundaries Crossed, at the Interfaces of Morphosyntax, Phonology, Pragmatics and Semantics [Studies in Natural Language and Linguistic Theory, 94], ► pp. 327 ff.
Lipták, Anikó & Andrés Saab
2019. Hungarian particle reduplication as local doubling. Acta Linguistica Academica 66:4 ► pp. 527 ff.
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