Chapter 4
The varieties of temporal anaphora and temporal coincidence
This paper explores the temporal construals of perfective vs. imperfective aspect in Sequence of Tense contexts in Spanish and French, in particular, under ellipsis. The distribution of past-shifted vs. simultaneous, as well as sloppy vs. strict, temporal construals is taken to support extending to viewpoint aspect a referential approach to tense, as Demirdache & Uribe-Etxebarria (2014) contend. I derive the distribution of simultaneous vs. past-shifted readings by extending their analysis of imperfective vs. perfective to embedded contexts. The intricate distribution of strict vs. sloppy (simultaneous, as well as past-shifted) readings is explained by extending the LF-parallelism constraint on ellipsis (Fox 2000) – specifically, the assumption that structural parallelism yields sloppy readings, while referential parallelism yields strict readings – to temporal anaphora under ellipsis.
Article outline
- 1.Introduction
- 2.Temporal anaphora and viewpoint aspect
- 2.1Temporal syntax of tense & aspect
- 2.2More viewpoints: Imperfective and perfective
- 2.3Temporal anaphora
- 2.3.1Temporal coreference
- 2.3.2Temporal binding
- 3.Imperfective vs. perfective past in embedded contexts
- 3.1Sequence of Tense (SoT)
- 3.2Why perfective (unlike imperfective) enforces past-shifting
- 4.Strict vs. sloppy temporal construals
- 4.1Temporal ellipsis: Structural vs. referential parallelism
- 4.2Perfective past in ellipsis contexts
- 4.3Imperfective past in ellipsis contexts
- 5.Conclusion
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Acknowledgements
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Notes
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References