Part of
Advances in Iranian Linguistics IIEdited by Simin Karimi, Narges Nematollahi, Roya Kabiri and Jian Gang Ngui
[Current Issues in Linguistic Theory 361] 2023
► pp. 81–99
Edited by Simin Karimi, Narges Nematollahi, Roya Kabiri and Jian Gang Ngui
[Current Issues in Linguistic Theory 361] 2023
► pp. 81–99
Chapter 3Why-stripping in Persian
I provide an account of why-stripping in Persian, in which there is a wh-phrase remnant cherā why and a non-wh-phrase remnant. This structure looks similar to sluicing with why, in which there is only a wh-phrase remnant cherā why. I argue that even though both structures involve clausal ellipsis, they have different characteristics and the mechanism of deriving them is different. I propose that unlike why in sluicing, which arrives at its surface position via focus fronting (Toosarvandani 2008), why in why-stripping functions as “how come” and is base-generated in the Spec of Int(errogative)P (Rizzi 2001) in the left periphery. In addition, I propose that the non-wh-phrase remnant, which carries a contrastive focus interpretation, moves to the Spec of FocP, before the rest of the clause is elided.
Keywords: ellipsis, why-stripping, stripping, sluicing, Persian
Article outline
- 1.Introduction
- 2.Characteristics of why-stripping
- 3.Evidence for ellipsis
- 3.1Case-matching effect
- 3.2Preposition-stranding
- 3.3Binding connectivity effect
- 3.4Voice mismatch
- 3.5Summary
- 4.Evidence for the base-generation of why in why-stripping
- 5.Analysis
- 6.Cross-linguistic implications and predictions
- 7.Conclusion
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Acknowledgements -
Notes -
Abbreviations -
References
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