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The Boundary between Grammar and Lexicon: Evidence from Japanese verb morphology
Brent de Chene
[Current Issues in Linguistic Theory 368] 2025
► pp. vii–x

Table of contents

Preface
Inflectional category names
On the transcription of Japanese
Chapter 1.The syntactic nature of inflection
1.1Introduction: The boundary between grammar and lexicon
1.2Background: Morphological concepts and frameworks
1.3Objections to split morphology
1.4The syntax/inflection duplication problem
1.5The subtypes of inflection
1.6Preview of Chapters 2 through 9
Chapter 2.An apparent challenge: Morphosyntactic and phonological fusion
2.1Introduction
2.2Morphosyntactic and phonological fusion
2.3Fusion in Japonic: The case of Dunan
2.3.1Background and preview
2.3.2Prolegomenon: Rules and morphomes
2.3.3Fundamentals of Dunan verbal inflection
2.3.4Hiatus at verb stem boundary: A first pass
2.3.5Suffixal allomorphy
2.3.6Stem alternations
2.3.6.1Velar-final stems
2.3.6.2Vowel-final stems
2.3.6.3r-stems
2.3.6.4s-stems
2.3.7Readjustment, rule ordering, and derivations
2.3.8Motivation for the analysis
2.3.9Conclusion
Chapter 3.The nonsyntactic nature of verbal derivation
3.1Introduction
3.2Background and preview
3.3Data
3.3.1Suffixes and alternations
3.3.2Isoradical relations
3.4Suffix sequences and their interpretation in DM
3.4.1Transitivity suffixes as causative and inchoative little v
3.4.2Transitivity suffixes under a Voice-little v split
3.5Another case of root-specific suffix orders
3.6The meaning of “intransitive” morphology
3.7The instability of stem meaning
3.8Derivation, inflection, and featural override
3.9Conclusion: A lexicon of stems
3.10Epilogue: The implications of root-based derivation
Chapter 4.An apparent challenge: Syntactic and lexical causatives
4.1Introduction
4.2Syntactic ‑(s)ase-, lexical ‑(a)se-
4.2.1Hiatus in derivation and in verbal inflection
4.2.2High/low attachment analyses and the passive and causative suffixes
4.3An introduction to blocking and causatives
4.4Reinterpreting “lexical ‑(s)ase-”
4.4.1Distinguishing lexical and syntactic ‑ase-
4.4.2The putative complementarity of ‑ase‑ and other transitivizers
4.4.3Verb stems: Lexical ‑ase‑ as a historical development of ‑as-
4.4.4Possessor-raising causatives
4.4.5-(a)se‑ and ‑(s)ase‑ in VP idioms
4.5Toward an understanding of the replacement of ‑as‑ by ‑ase-
4.6Conclusion
4.7Interim summary
Chapter 5.The suffixal alternations of Japanese verbal inflection
5.1Introduction: Levels of adequacy in phonology
5.2Background: A typology of alternations
5.3Japanese verbal suffix alternations
5.4Four observationally adequate analyses and their predictions
5.5Change in progress: The spread of r-Epenthesis
5.6Analysis A: A closer look
5.7Alternative accounts of innovative r-epenthetic forms
5.7.1The putative influence of r-stem inflection
5.7.2Category-specific accounts of innovative r-suffixes
5.8Conclusion
Chapter 6.Analysis A in Ryukyuan
6.1Introduction
6.2Synchrony: The essentials of Shuri verb inflection
6.3Diachrony: The history of Shuri r-stem inflection
6.3.1The antiquity of the C-stem versus V-stem distinction
6.3.2Loss of the C-stem versus V-stem distinction
6.3.3Tertiary r-stems
6.4Points of contact among r‑ stems, V-stems, and w-stems
6.5Beyond Shuri
6.6Epilogue
Chapter 7.Explaining the choice of Analysis A
7.1Introduction
7.2Explanatory adequacy in morphophonology
7.3Hypotheses inconsistent with the choice of Analysis A
7.4Neutralizing choices of underlying representations
7.4.1Two case studies
7.4.2An alternative interpretation
7.5Type frequency, token frequency, and Analysis A
7.6Truncation and ð-Epenthesis in Modern Greek nominal inflection
7.6.1Hiatus at noun stem boundary
7.6.2ð-Epenthesis as a default: Standard Modern Greek
7.6.3ð-Epenthesis as a default: Anatolian dialects
7.6.4Explaining the default status of ð-Epenthesis
7.7The choice of Analysis A: Summary and conclusion
7.8r-Epenthesis as an exemplar of the stem-boundary epenthesis rule
Chapter 8.The timing of the adoption of Analysis A
8.1Introduction
8.2The bigrade alternation
8.3A class of apparent exceptions to the bigrade blocking hypothesis
8.4The extent of conformity with the bigrade blocking hypothesis
8.5Representational approaches to bigrade blocking
8.6Phonological distance and susceptibility to leveling: Three examples
8.7The Regularization Priority Principle
8.7.1Leveling in the Inferential
8.7.2Another case of blocking under the RPP
8.7.3C/V polarity alternations and the RPP
8.8Looking back at Analysis A
Chapter 9.Conclusion: A sharp boundary
Abbreviations for works referred to
References
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