Chapter published in:
Complement Clauses in Portuguese: Syntax and acquisition
Edited by Ana Lúcia Santos and Anabela Gonçalves
[Issues in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics 17] 2018
► pp. 187–212

(Hyper)-raising in Brazilian Portuguese and Spanish

Interaction between case and agreement

| University of Michigan, Ann Arbor
| University of Michigan, Ann Arbor
Brazilian Portuguese and Spanish allow subject NP-raising from non-finite clauses, but both languages also allow referential subjects in existential clauses with finite complement clauses. The latter have been referred to as hyper-raising in BP (Martins & Nunes, 2009) and further-raising in Spanish (Fernández-Salgueiro, 2005, 2008). Both structures have been argued to have a matrix subject in an A-position resulting from A-movement raising from the embedded clause. Whereas BP has been argued to require matrix subject-verb agreement, differently from Spanish, we show that there is more variation in this respect. We compare these structures, and adopt a unified A-movement analysis for them, allowing variation only in the specification of agreement (phi-)features in the matrix clause.
Published online: 16 August 2018
https://doi.org/10.1075/ihll.17.06pir
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