(Hyper)-raising in Brazilian Portuguese and Spanish

Interaction between case and agreement

Acrisio Pires | University of Michigan, Ann Arbor

Will Nediger | University of Michigan, Ann Arbor

Brazilian Portuguese and Spanish allow subject NP-raising from non-finite clauses, but both languages also allow referential subjects in existential clauses with finite complement clauses. The latter have been referred to as hyper-raising in BP (Martins & Nunes, 2009) and further-raising in Spanish (Fernández-Salgueiro, 2005, 2008). Both structures have been argued to have a matrix subject in an A-position resulting from A-movement raising from the embedded clause. Whereas BP has been argued to require matrix subject-verb agreement, differently from Spanish, we show that there is more variation in this respect. We compare these structures, and adopt a unified A-movement analysis for them, allowing variation only in the specification of agreement (phi-)features in the matrix clause.

Article outline

1.Introduction
2.Previous analyses
3.Proposed analysis: Delayed case valuation
4.Conclusion
Acknowledgements
Notes
References

Published online: 16 August 2018
https://doi.org/10.1075/ihll.17.06pir

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