This work investigates the division of labor between mood and illocutionary force in syntax by examining three
modal construals encoded by the speaker-oriented adverb
zuìhǎo ‘best’ (deontic, epistemic and evidential) in
Mandarin, and accounts for a cluster of syntactic and pragmatic properties it is associated with. Very much in line with Tsai’s
(
2015a,
2015b and
2015d) modal system in Mandarin, it is observed that each type of
zuìhǎo can co-occur
with its matching modal auxiliary in the fashion of
Cinque’s (1999) ‘location-in-Spec’
hypothesis and encodes a certain type of illocutionary force. One persistent question is how
zuìhǎo substantiates
illocutionary force in syntax, while its designated position is not situated in the licensing domain of ForceP. As far as the left
periphery is concerned, this work argues for a conspiracy between syntax, semantics and pragmatics to ensure the success in
activating the Bidirectional Agree relation between speech act, force and mood. We argue for a speech act layer (Sa*P) externally
merging to CP (
Speas and Tenny, 2003), whose head values the uninterpretable speech act feature [
uSa] on Force
0
via the Bidirectional Agree to trigger its interface with the utterance content (CP). Meanwhile, following
Kempchinsky’s (2009) idea, it is further argued in this work that Force
0 hosts the
uninterpretable feature [
uW] which has to be checked and valued by the modal construals of
zuìhǎo to determine the irrealis-realis mood. An immediate implication is that ForceP serves as a gateway to
not only mood but also speech act at the interface. Several issues involved in dealing with
zuìhǎo are
discussed.