Investigating the additive probability of repeated language production decisions
This paper introduces an experimental paradigm based on probabilistic evidence of the interaction between
construction decisions in a parsed corpus. The approach is demonstrated using ICE-GB, a one million-word corpus of English. It
finds an interaction between attributive adjective phrases in noun phrases with a noun head, such that the probability of adding
adjective phrases falls successively. The same pattern is much weaker in adverbs preceding a verb phrase, implying this decline is
not a universal phenomenon. Noun phrase postmodifying clauses exhibit a similar initial fall in the probability of successive
clauses modifying the same NP head, and embedding clauses modifying new NP heads. Successive postmodification
shows a secondary phenomenon of an increase in additive probability in longer sequences, apparently due to ‘templating’ effects.
The author argues that these results can only be explained as cognitive and communicative natural phenomena acting on and within
recursive grammar rules.
Article outline
- 1.Introduction
- 2.Syntactic annotation in corpus linguistics
- 2.1Criteria for selecting and evaluating frameworks
- 2.2Retrievability of linguistic events
- 2.3Retrievability of patterns of interaction
- 3.Three experiments with attributive adjectives in noun phrases
- 3.1Experiment 1: Attributive adjective phrases
- 3.2Experiment 2: Attributive adjective phrases with proper and common noun heads
- 3.3Experiment 3: Attributive adjectives, without parsing
- 4.Experiment 4: Grammatical interaction between preverbal adverb phrases
- 5.Experiment 5: Grammatical interaction in postmodifying clauses
- 5.1Sequential postmodification
- 5.2Embedded postmodification
- 5.3Alternative explanations
- 5.4Discussion
- 6.Conclusions
- 6.1Implications for corpus linguistics
- 6.2Towards the evaluation of grammar
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Acknowledgements
- Notes
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References