Negation in Kulina
A double polarity swap
This study reconstructs the development of a negative existential and a negative pro-sentence in the Arawan
language Kulina (Brazil-Peru). We demonstrate that the two elements forming the negative existential construction nowe
(hi)ra- are involved in a double polarity swap: (i) an originally neutral lexical item (the dynamic verb
nowe ‘show’) has become negative through contamination, and (ii) an originally negative element
(hi)ra-, which was responsible for the contamination, is bleaching into a semantically neutral auxiliary.
This lexeme nowe, with the auxiliary used only optionally, also functions as a negative pro-sentence now. Thus,
synchronically we have a negative pro-sentence that has its origin in a semantically-neutral lexical item. Neither the source of
the negative pro-sentence nor this diachronic path has surfaced in the literature on negation so far and thus they are instructive
from diachronic and typological perspectives. The hypothesis enriches the literature on both the Jespersen Cycle and the Negative
Existential Cycle.
Article outline
- 1.Introduction
- 2.The Kulina language and data
- 3.A synchronic picture of negation marking in Kulina
- 3.1Types of negation
- 3.1.1Standard negation and ascriptive negation
- 3.1.2Derivational negation
- 3.1.3Existential negation
- 3.1.4Privative negation
- 3.1.5Negative pro-sentence (“no”)
- 3.2Schematic summary of the negation forms
- 3.3Taking stock of hi(ra) and nowe
- 4.Towards a reconstruction of negation marking
- 4.1From existential negation to standard negation
- 4.2
nowe (hi)ra: A new existential negation
- 4.2.1
(hi)ra: From diachronically negative to synchronically neutral
- 4.2.2
nowe: From diachronically neutral to synchronically negative
- 4.3An open issue
- 5.Typological and diachronic relevance
- 6.Conclusion
- Acknowledgements
- Notes
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Abbreviations
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References