Edited by Jairo Nunes
[Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today 142] 2009
► pp. 93–120
Based on Kayne’s (1994) analysis of relative clauses, this paper proposes a uniform account of the three types of relative clauses found in Brazilian Portuguese: the standard version (with pied-piping), the resumptive version with an overt pronoun, and the PP-chopping version, where the relativized PP appears to be deleted. We argue that a DP headed by a relative determiner can be base-generated in a left dislocation position in Brazilian Portuguese and this is what yields lack of island effects and apparent PP-chopping relatives. Based on their lexical conditioning, we propose that PP-chopping relatives in fact involve a null pronominal (pro) in the object position licensed by inherent Case.
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