Argument structure and quantifier scope
In this article, I argue for a theory in which all argument DP/PPs (as well as ‘quasi-arguments’ such as Source, Goal, Benefactive, Instrumental, etc.) are projected above the root in specifiers of ‘light verb’ categories. I also argue that the order in which the three basic argument categories Ag(ent), Th(eme) and Appl(icative) are merged is exactly the opposite of that which is usually assumed, namely, Ag < Th < Appl. The proposed theory succeeds in deriving the subject of active sentences and the by-phrase of passives from the same argument position without assuming syntactic lowering or an ad hoc rule of “th-transfer”. It also accounts directly for the relation between double object and propositional dative structures in a way that explains their special syntactic properties. Finally, the proposed theory, together with some new ideas about quantifier scope, derives the special scope properties of these dative constructions.
Cited by (1)
Cited by one other publication
Pineda, Anna
2020.
Double‐Object Constructions in Romance: The Common Denominator.
Syntax 23:3
► pp. 203 ff.
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