This article explores the morphosyntax of a type of Norwegian get-passives in which the subject receives an agentive interpretation. These impose an animacy condition on the subject, and yet do not tolerate adverbs like intentionally. I argue that the properties of this construction can be explained within a framework like the one developed in Ramchand (2008).
2015. THE CAUSATIVE ALTERNATION REVISITED: CONSTRAINTS AND VARIATION. ENGLISH LINGUISTICS 32:1 ► pp. 1 ff.
Alexiadou, Artemis, Elena Anagnostopoulou & Christina Sevdali
2014. Opaque and transparent datives, and how they behave in passives. The Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 17:1 ► pp. 1 ff.
Alexiadou, Artemis & Florian Schäfer
2020. The Voice Domain in Germanic. In The Cambridge Handbook of Germanic Linguistics, ► pp. 461 ff.
2022. Passive with control and raising in mainland Scandinavian. Nordic Journal of Linguistics► pp. 1 ff.
Ingason, Anton Karl & Jim Wood
2017. Clause-Bounded Movement: Stylistic Fronting and Phase Theory. Linguistic Inquiry 48:3 ► pp. 529 ff.
Sigurðsson, Einar Freyr & Jim Wood
2012. Case alternations in Icelandic ‘get’-passives. Nordic Journal of Linguistics 35:3 ► pp. 269 ff.
Taraldsen Medová, Lucie & Bartosz Wiland
2019. Semelfactives are bigger than degree achievements. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 37:4 ► pp. 1463 ff.
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