Indefinite articles and licensing of nominals in two Slavic varieties
I address the status of an indefinite article in two understudied Slavic varieties spoken in Italy, Resian and Molise Croatian. By applying standard diagnostics, I show that both varieties have grammaticalized an indefinite article. I further compare the distribution of nouns in these two varieties, which allow bare nominals in argument position, on a par with other Slavic articleless languages, and conclude that Resian, but not Molise Croatian, has also developed a definite article. Considering that the distribution of the definite article in Resian is restricted to nouns with prenominal modifiers, I argue that the rise of the definite article is related to adjectival syntax – if adjectives are placed prenominally, which is the case in Resian but not in Molise Croatian, they prevent the noun from being in a local relation with a definite D(eterminer). I also claim that the development of an indefinite article is completely independent of the emergence of a definite article, which explains the similarities between the two varieties.
Article outline
- 1.Introduction
- 2.The status of the indefinite determiner in Resian and Molise Croatian
- 2.1From the numeral one to the indefinite article
- 2.2The numeral one in Resian and Molise Croatian
- Specific indefinites
- Non-specific indefinites
- Predicative context
- Generic sentences
- Narrow-scope reading
- Intensional context
- Non-scalar reading with universal quantifiers
- Specific indefinites
- Non-specific indefinites
- Narrow scope reading
- 3.The asymmetry between modified and unmodified nominals
- Bare nouns
- Non-bare nouns
- 4.Resian vs. Molise Croatian: Licensing of bare nominals
- 5.Conclusions
-
Acknowldgement
-
Notes
-
References
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