Chapter 4
Locality without movement
Article outline
- 4.1On movement and ellipsis
- 4.1.1The (syntactic) licensing of ellipsis
- 4.1.2Challenges for mada
- 4.1.3Ellipsis as radical deaccentuation
- 4.2Islands
- 4.2.1The Dutch data
- 4.2.2The Romance data
- 4.3The minimal coordination hypothesis
- 4.3.1Dutch (multiple) extraposition
- 4.3.2Interim summary
- 4.3.3The MCH in Romance
- 4.3.4Where does the MCH derive from?
- 4.4Multiple dislocations
- 4.4.1Clause-mate dislocations
- 4.4.2Dislocation from different clauses
- 4.4.3Recursive dislocations
- 4.4.4Wrapping up
- 4.5D does not move
- 4.5.1Lack of motivation
- 4.5.2Scope
- 4.5.3A note on P-stranding
- 4.6Conclusion
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Notes