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Language Change at the Interfaces: Intrasentential and intersentential phenomena
Edited by Nicholas Catasso, Marco Coniglio and Chiara De Bastiani
[Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today 275] 2022
► pp. 123–162

On the role of information structure in the licensing of null subjects in Old High German

An analysis of null subjects in inti coordinated clauses in the Old High German Diatessaron

ORCID logo | Ca’ Foscari University of Venice
This paper focuses on the distribution of null subjects in inti coordinated clauses in the Old High German translation of Tatian’s Diatessaron and shows that the presence of null referential subjects in this construction should not be analysed as a case of Topic drop of the same type of present-day German, but as a case of pure pro-drop of Romance type, involving the presence of a silent category pro licensed via a matching relation with a null Topic in CP (cf. Frascarelli 2007, 2018). The analysis will be shown to be able to also account for the presence of V1 main clauses with free-inversion (Inversion nach inti sentences, cf. Coniglio & Schlachter 2013) and to offer a novel scenario on the loss of both the Inversion nach inti construction and pro-drop in the history of German.
Article outline
  • 1.Introduction
  • 2.Null subjects in Old High German
    • 2.1On the null subject phenomenon
    • 2.2Derivation of null subjects
    • 2.3Old High German as an asymmetric pro-drop language
      • 2.3.1General overview
      • 2.3.2The Topic-matching analysis
  • 3.The present investigation
    • 3.1Data collection and overview
      • 3.3.1 Inti + V2 clauses
      • 3.3.2 Inti + V1 clauses
      • 3.3.3 Inti + OV clauses
      • 3.3.4Partial conclusions
    • 3.4 The distribution of null subjects in sentences introduced by inti
  • 4.Proposed analysis
  • 5.Conclusions
  • Acknowledgements
  • Notes
  • References
Published online: 21 April 2022
DOI logo
https://doi.org/10.1075/la.275.04cog
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