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Discourse Particles: Syntactic, semantic, pragmatic and historical aspects
Edited by Xabier Artiagoitia, Arantzazu Elordieta and Sergio Monforte
[Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today 276] 2022
► pp. 101–130

Chapter 4
Agreeing complementizers may just be moody

| Boğaziçi University
| Boğaziçi University

This study investigates two discourse-related particles, ya and şo, in Laz, an endangered South Caucasian language. We argue that both ya and şo are indexical shift complementizers which can occur without an overt embedding verb, suggesting root complementizer behavior. However, when they appear embedded, the mood specification of the embedding verb determines which of the two will surface, suggestive of complementizer agreement in mood features. We show that, while ya and şo need to be semantically distinct in their root occurrences, there are compositionality challenges against the null hypothesis that ya and şo keep their meanings when embedded. As an alternative to a formal agreement account, we propose to semantically relate the embedded and root occurrences of these complementizers.

Keywords: root complementizers, indexical shift, imperative mood, complementizer agreement
Article outline
  • 1.Introduction
  • 2.The particles ya and şo are complementizers
    • 2.1Evidence for the complementizer status of ya and şo
    • 2.2Evidence for the complementizer status of ya and şo
  • 3.On the morphological distinctness of ya and şo
    • 3.1What do the roots complementizers in Laz mean?
    • 3.2Embedded ya and şo
      • 3.2.1Are embedded ya and şo differentiated through agreement?
      • 3.2.2Are embedded ya and şo differentiated semantically?
  • 4.Final remarks
  • Acknowledgments
  • Notes
  • References
Published online: 17 May 2022
DOI logo
https://doi.org/10.1075/la.276.04dem
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