This paper investigates the syntax and semantics of the third person singular pronoun
ɦi⁶ in
Shanghainese in its non-referential use. Evidence from its phonological dependence and syntactic integration with the preceding
host verb is presented to show that the non-referential
ɦi⁶ is a clitic. It is further observed that this use of
ɦi⁶ requires licensing from the [+subjunctive] feature, echoing
Qian
(2004) and
Jin (2016). However, my analysis diverges from theirs in
treating the
ɦi⁶ in question as an expletive licensed by the [+subjunctive] feature, rather than a subjunctive
marker itself on grounds that it is not obligatory in a subjunctive sentence and that the subjunctivity must always be encoded by
other elements in the sentence.
ɦi⁶ in this use serves as an emphatic, strengthening the effect of deontic or
imperative force in subjunctive contexts. Furthermore, it is shown that the licensing must obey a locality condition, whereby the
expletive
ɦi⁶ must be licensed by a c-commanding licenser in its local domain. From the perspective of
grammaticalization, I propose that
ɦi⁶ is going through an intermediate stage of becoming a purely modal
functional marker. A final stage of this “upward” grammaticalization can be found in the expletive use of the third person pronoun
keoi in Cantonese, which has become a more grammaticalized marker that has scope over the sentence. It is
pointed out that the development of the expletive pronoun suggests that being at the right-periphery is a crucial factor in
motivating and facilitating grammaticalization in Chinese. Last, a comparison between the non-referential
ɦi⁶ and
the Mandarin non-referential third person pronoun
ta in the V-
ta-ge-NP/AP construction is
presented, showing that both cases manifest interactions between VP-internal projections and higher functional categories.