From the perspective of
Baxter’s (1992) Old Chinese (OC, which is generally followed by
Schuessler 2009), the fate of a putative Sino-Tibetan (ST) *
w in Tibetan and Old Chinese is quite straight-forward: In Tibetan *
w was deleted everywhere in all environments; in word-initial position loss of *
w‑ resulted in (smooth) vocalic onset, it is argued here that this feature is represented by the letter
’a-chung, e.g.
’oŋ ‘come’ from *
waŋ; some such words have developed a new, or alternative,
y-initial (e.g.
yoŋ beside
’oŋ). Vocalic onset (with
’a-chung) is also the outcome of loss of other initial consonants (e.g. suffix
’u from
bu). In Old Chinese *
w survived only as part of labiovelars, in absolute word initial position (later Middle Chinese initial jwi̯-), and in configurations *
hw‑ (voiceless *
w), *
ʔw‑ and *
sw‑ (
s-prefix). Drawn into the discussions are side-issues, like the elimination of *
ɦ‑ from the Old Chinese phonemic inventory; OC final *-
r metathesis, monophthongization in closed syllables, ST labiovelars, as well as a number of new etymologies. This paper confirms by and large the conclusions of
Handel (2009) and
Jacques (2013), but with some adjustments and elaborations.