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Labialized onsets in Rma

 | University of Oregon
In the study of Rma phonology (Eastern Tibeto-Burman < Sino-Tibetan/​Trans-Himalayan), there have been differing perspectives regarding labialized onsets both in synchrony and diachrony. Synchronically, these forms have been treated as CuV or as CwV sequences (Sun 2003). In terms of diachrony, Chang (1967) reconstructs the following set of bilabial-stop initial clusters: *Bt, *Bd, *Bts, *Btsh , *Bdz, *Bs. Evans (2001; 2006a) reconstructs none of these and proposes that labialized onsets are secondary developments in the dialects that have them.
This paper explores the issue of labialized onsets through the lens of a previously undocumented variety of Rma. It offers a new perspective on the synchronic analysis for these segments as phonologically Cw and contributes to an older discussion about the diachrony of these sounds. The paper finds support for Evans’ (2001) theory that these sounds are secondary developments from *-w- elements while also finding sub-group external evidence that some come from*p- pre-initials.
Keywords: Qiang, Rma, labialization, phonology, Sino-Tibetan/Trans-Himalayan, historical linguistics
Article outline
  • 1.Introduction
    • 1.1Empirical materials
    • 1.2Outline
  • 2.Labialized initials in Shiguzi Rma
    • 2.1Consonants
    • 2.2Vowels
    • 2.3Syllable structure
      • 2.3.1Complex onsets
      • 2.3.2Stop-fricative clusters
      • 2.3.3Syllable canon
      • 2.3.4Codas
      • 2.3.5Labialized onsets: Synchrony
      • 2.3.6CuV
      • 2.3.7CwV
      • 2.3.8CwV
    • 2.4Interim summary
  • 3.Diachrony of labialized onsets in Qiang
    • 3.1Rma-internal
    • 3.2Pre-initial *p-
    • 3.3Labialization from sources other than *pC
  • 4.Conclusion
  • Acknowledgements
  • Notes
  • List of abbreviations
  • Author queries
  • References
This content is being prepared for publication; it may be subject to changes.
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