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Article published In:
Linguistic Variation
Vol. 22:2 (2022) ► pp.209–267

Optional agreement as successful/failed Agree

Evidence from Santiago Tz’utujil (Mayan)

ORCID logo | University of Tromsø
 | University of California, Los Angeles
We investigate optional predicate agreement in Santiago Tz’utujil (Mayan). Several generalizations emerge: (i) inanimate arguments base-generated as complements control agreement optionally; (ii) some animate arguments base-generated as complements control agreement optionally; (iii) all arguments base-generated as specifiers control full agreement obligatorily. We propose that two conditions must be met for the operation Agree to succeed, resulting in the exponence of all the features of the agreement controller. First, a goal must be visible (bear the right feature). Second, a goal must be accessible (be in the right structural position). If one or both conditions are not met, Agree fails, but the derivation converges and 3sg agreement is exponed. While Agree is deterministic, surface optionality arises when the operation fails. We use optional agreement to diagnose the syntactic structure of understudied constructions in Mayan (nominalizations, Agent Focus). We discuss microvariation, highlighting methodological considerations that arise when assuming an I-language approach.
Keywords: Agree , agreement, optionality, microvariation, specifier, complement, Agent Focus, Tz’utujil, Mayan, syntax
Article outline
  • 1.Introduction
  • 2.Santiago Tz’utujil
    • 2.1Previous work on optional agreement in Tz’utujil
    • 2.2Properties of STz’
  • 3.Optional agreement in STz’: Establishing a specifier vs. completement generalization
    • 3.1Agreement controlled by base-generated specifier
      • 3.1.1Subject of transitives
      • 3.1.2Subject of antipassives
      • 3.1.3Possessor
      • 3.1.4Subject of nominal and adjectival predicates
      • 3.1.5Interim summary
    • 3.2Agreement controlled by base-generated complement
      • 3.2.1Object of transitives
      • 3.2.2Subject of passives
      • 3.2.3Argument in an existential construction
    • 3.3A generalization regarding inanimate controllers
  • 4.Optional agreement as a diagnostic of underlying structure
    • 4.1Intransitives
    • 4.2Sole argument of stative predicates (revisited)
    • 4.3Agent Focus (subjects and objects)
    • 4.4The progressive construction
  • 5.Animate controllers: Construction-specific pattern
  • 6.Analysis
    • 6.1Inanimate controllers: Visibility (structural size)
    • 6.2Animate arguments: Construction-specific accessibility
      • 6.2.1Accessibility and Set B agreement
      • 6.2.2Accessibility and Set A agreement
      • 6.2.3Pronouns revisited
    • 6.3Summary of visibility and accessibility
  • 7.Microvariation
    • 7.1Microvariation across Mayan
    • 7.2Microvariation in STz’ and a methodological note
  • 8.Conclusions and future work
  • Acknowledgements
  • Notes
  • List of abbreviations used in the paper
  • References
Published online: 26 October 2021
DOI logo
https://doi.org/10.1075/lv.20013.lys
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