The obviation agreement effect
I will critically review Kayne’s (2009) hypothesis that the presence of a silent clitic explains the Absence of Principle B Effects APBE (Burzio 1991, 1992 among others) with 1st and 2nd person clitics in Romance languages. I will show that APBE does not depend on the presence of any silent clitic – against Kayne (2009) –, but on the φ-features of the DP cross-referenced by subject agreement. I will finally develop a syntactic account for the APBE with local clitics in Romance languages based on the feature decomposition of person morphemes (Kayne 2003, Béjar 2003, Harley and Ritter 2002) and the existence in Romance languages of fake indexicals clitics (Kratzer 2009).
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