Constituency and coincidence in Chácobo (Pano)
This paper provides a detailed description of the results of 24 constituency diagnostics, both morphosyntactic and phonological, to Chácobo, a southern Pano language of the northern Bolivian Amazon. While it is often assumed that misalignments across the domains that emerge from constituency diagnostics can be resolved by reference to a distinction between phonological and morphosyntactic words, I argue that this is not true of Chácobo. Divergence is at least as high within phonological domains and morphosyntactic domains as it is across them. While it is often assumed that domains tend to converge overall on a single wordhood candidate or that domain divergence is marginal, I argue that this is not true of Chácobo. I present a cluster of methodologies that assess the motivation for a word constituent as an empirical hypothesis, rather than treating it as an a priori assumption. No strong evidence for a word constituent emerges from the Chácobo data. Theoretical and methodological implications are discussed.
- 3.Chácobo: Speakers, language and data
- 3.1Data presentation
- 4.Planar structure
- 5.Constituency test results
- 5.1Constituency tests and test fracturing
- 5.2Test fracturing
- 5.3Free occurrence (8–24, 7–25)
- 5.4Interruptability (7–17, 7–11)
- 5.5Permutability (7–10, 7–15)
- 5.6Ciscategorial selection (8–16, 8–24)
- 5.7Subspan repetition
- 18.104.22.168Asyndetic coordination (6–17, 7–13)
- 22.214.171.124Same-subject syndetic coordination (6–17, 7–11)
- 126.96.36.199Syndetic different subject coordination (6–21)
- 5.7.2Reduplication (7–10, 7–22)
- 5.8Segmental domains (7–8, 7–10, 7–24)
- 5.8.1Glottal stop insertion
- 5.8.2Vowel lengthening and bimoraic minimality
- 5.9Tone domains (7–17, 7–27, 1–24, 1–28)
- 5.9.1Tone insertion
- 5.9.2Tone reduction
- 5.10Stress domain (7–8)
- 5.11Deviations from biuniqueness (7–9)
- 6.Coincidence and convergence
- 7.Conclusions and future research
Published online: 14 September 2020
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