This chapter examines and proposes plausible explanations for attested extensions of tense-aspect-modality (TAM) systems to inferential and reportative evidentiality based on the contrastive case study – British English (BrE) vs. Peninsular Spanish (PSp) – of some TAM markers realizing evidential functions: epistemic modals ‘must’, ‘must have’, and ‘deber (de)’, ‘deber (de) haber’; future perfect verbal forms ‘will have’, ‘habrá/n’; and conditional perfect verbal forms ‘would have’, ‘habría/n’. It is argued that the parameters playing a crucial role in facilitating these extensions include immediacy in relation to the ground and reality (cf. Langacker 2017) for inferential values, while irrealis (cf. Givon 1989) and frame-shifting to a counter point of view (Chilton 2014) are relevant for reportative evidentiality.
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