Chapter 11
The rise of the periphrastic perfect tense in the continental
West Germanic languages
This article adopts the traditional claim in
Dutch linguistics that periphrastic perfect-tense constructions
gradually developed out of copular-like constructions with
have and be. It argues that this development
was made possible by the introduction of two morphological rules.
The first rule derives verbal (event-denoting) participles from
adjectival (property-denoting) participles, which gave rise to
periphrastic perfect-tense constructions with transitive and
mutative intransitive verbs. At a later stage this rule was replaced
by a rule (still productive in present-day Dutch) that derives
verbal participles from verbal stems, as a result of which the
periphrastic perfect tense spread to non-mutative intransitive
verbs. The article concludes by showing that this account is
superior to Coussé’s
(2008) flexible user-based account within the
constructionist framework, which rejects the categorial distinction
between adjectival and verbal participles.
Article outline
- 1.Introduction
- 2.The rise of the periphrastic perfect tense
- 3.Theoretical background: Unaccusative and undative verbs
- 4.Analysis
- 4.1The transition from stage I to stage II
- 4.2The transition from stage II to stage III
- 5.Comparison with Coussé’s flexible user-based approach
-
Abbreviations
-
Acknowledgements
-
Notes
-
References
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