This chapter offers a detailed sequential examination of the usage of
the turn-initial Polish particle no in responsive
actions. It demonstrates that no represents a
particular kind of epistemic stance, where it contributes a “my
side” positioning of the no speaker, and in this
way participates in the local management of epistemic relations
between speakers of Polish. Drawing on the analysis of data from
both institutional and ordinary interactions, I demonstrate that
stand-alone no and no-prefaces
index the stance of the current speaker towards the prior speaker’s
turn or action. No operates on three layers, which
are invoked by the particular sequential and activity contexts in
which the particle occurs. The primary function of
no is to treat the content of the prior
speaker’s turn as already known or self-evident. Second, associated
with that treatment, no invokes its speaker’s
“my-side” perspective and alerts the recipient to a possible
incongruity between the no speaker’s epistemic
status vis-à-vis the recipient’s perspective. The third layer is
sequential in character and drawing on the affordances created by
the two other epistemic and stance-related layers, exploits these
basic interactional capacities of no in a further
direction. When this happens, a no-prefaced action
can set a given piece of knowledge aside and hence contribute to
sequence closure and coincide with a topic and/or an activity shift.
Based on the analysis of both the preceding and subsequent talk
surrounding no, this chapter illustrates some
systematic regularities related to the usage of no,
which offer empirical evidence that no is
implicated in foreshadowing epistemic stance in contexts of
epistemic incongruence.
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