Chapter published in:Crossroads Semantics: Computation, experiment and grammar
Edited by Hilke Reckman, Lisa Lai-Shen Cheng, Maarten Hijzelendoorn and Rint Sybesma
[Not in series 210] 2017
► pp. 281–304
Inner aspect and the comparative quantifiers
This paper discusses the behavior of undergoers involving comparative quantifiers with respect to the inner aspect of the eventuality. It departs from clashing results of telicity tests with such VPs. Arguments are provided for a version of the view proposed by Krifka (1998), namely that comparative quantifiers receive a higher scope, and do not contribute to the aspectual composition of the eventuality. Moreover, it is argued – coming somewhat close to Diesing (1992), Borer (2005), Kennedy and Levin (2008) and Arsenijević (2006b) – that all quantified undergoers are best modeled in terms of scalar semantics. It is also argued, building on Arsenijević (2006a), that the inner aspect of an event predicate is determined at the VP (event kind level).
Keywords: comparative quantifiers, inner aspect, telicity tests, event kinds
Published online: 12 April 2017
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