Chapter published in:Crossroads Semantics: Computation, experiment and grammar
Edited by Hilke Reckman, Lisa Lai-Shen Cheng, Maarten Hijzelendoorn and Rint Sybesma
[Not in series 210] 2017
► pp. 281–304
Chapter 17Inner aspect and the comparative quantifiers
This paper discusses the behavior of undergoers involving comparative quantifiers with respect to the inner aspect of the eventuality. It departs from clashing results of telicity tests with such VPs. Arguments are provided for a version of the view proposed by Krifka (1998), namely that comparative quantifiers receive a higher scope, and do not contribute to the aspectual composition of the eventuality. Moreover, it is argued – coming somewhat close to Diesing (1992), Borer (2005), Kennedy and Levin (2008) and Arsenijević (2006b) – that all quantified undergoers are best modeled in terms of scalar semantics. It is also argued, building on Arsenijević (2006a), that the inner aspect of an event predicate is determined at the VP (event kind level).
- 1.The big picture
- 2.Comparative quantifiers and mereological approaches to aspect
- 3.VPs with undergoers quantified by comparative quantifiers
- 4.Progressives and comparatively quantified undergoers
- 5.Definite descriptions
- 6.Presupposition and contrastiveness do not explain the facts
- 7.Other vague quantifiers
- 8.Numeral quantification and telicity
Published online: 12 April 2017
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