Edited by Marcel den Dikken and Robert M. Vago
[Approaches to Hungarian 11] 2009
► pp. 65–94
This paper derives the properties of Hungarian se-pronouns from independently motivated assumptions, among them an adjunction theory of Q-raising allowing both left- and right-adjunction. Se-pronouns are identified as negative polarity quantifiers not conveying any negation, licensed by the negative particle. Based on results of Surányi (2006a,b), se-pronouns interpreted universally are analyzed as universal quantifiers, whereas se-pronouns interpreted existentially are analyzed as Heimian indefinites bound by existential closure. Universal and existential se-pronouns have different word order possibilities. The former, targeted by Q-raising, are left- or right-adjoined to NegP (either to the NegP dominating PredP, or to the NegP dominating FocP). Right-adjoined quantifiers participate in the free PF-linearization of postverbal constituents. Existential se-pronouns can be left in situ in the verb phrase, or can be focus-moved into Spec,FocP. The scope interpretation of se-pronouns is determined by the Scope Principle. The particle sem is analyzed as a negative polarity item, a minimizer to be preceded by nem, or to be fused with it.
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