Chapter 9
*VV in Hungarian
In Hungarian, suffixation derives robust instances of heteromorphemic vowel sequences (V1+V2). This work reports on an investigation of the facts (as culled, inter alia, from traditional grammars; Kenesei et al. 1998; Siptár & Törkenczy 2000; Siptár 2008) and provides analyses for the data within the framework of Optimality Theory. It brings together a conspiratorial web of mechanisms to respect a *VV constraint: V1 deletion; V2 deletion; suffix allomorphy. Exceptional cases are treated in terms of constraint reranking (Gouskova 2013). The main finding is that the story of vowel sequences across suffixes, not well studied in the phonological literature, as told from the perspective of Hungarian, provides strong support for Casali’s (1997, 1998, 2011) model of hiatus resolution.
Article outline
- 1.Introduction
- 1.1Goals
- 1.2Preliminaries
- 1.3Background
- 2.Hiatus resolution: Root + suffix
- 2.1V2 deletion
- 2.2V1 deletion
- 2.3No deletion
- 2.4Suffix allomorphy
- 2.4.1Deadjectival verbs
- 2.4.2Denominal adjectives
- 2.4.3Third person possessive
- 3.Hiatus resolution: Suffix + suffix
- 3.1V2 deletion
- 3.2V1 deletion
- 3.3No deletion
- 4.Conclusion
-
Acknowledgements
-
Notes
-
References
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Vago, Robert
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