The three agent demoting prefixes (ki-, m-u-, kur-) in Katripul Puyuma
Their origins and possible development
This paper discusses the origins and possible grammaticalization pathways of three agent demoting prefixes in
Katripul Puyuma,
ki-,
m-u- and
kur-. All three morphemes can attach to both
nominal and verbal stems. When they attach to nominal stems, they denote the meaning of ‘get’, ‘go’, and ‘reflexive’,
respectively, and when they attach to verbal stems, they express situation types that are often associated with the middle domain
(
Kemmer 1993). Working from the perspective of grammaticalization, this paper
traces the origins and possible development of the three named morphemes, with supporting evidence drawn from cognates of other
Formosan languages.
Article outline
- 1.Introduction
- 2.Some remarks on the literature, terminology, and framework
- 2.1Voice and transitivity
- 2.2A note on passive, anticausative, and middle in typological studies
- 2.3Valence
- 3.
Ki- as a passive marker
- 3.1
Ki- attaches to a nominal stem
- 3.2
Ki- attaches to a verbal stem
- 3.3Semantic motivations
- 3.4Grammaticalization pathway
- 3.5
Ki- in other Formosan languages
- 4.
M-u- as an anticausative marker
- 4.1
M-u- attaches to nominal stems
- 4.2
M-u- attaches to verbal stems
- 4.3Semantic motivations and restrictions
- 4.4Grammaticalization pathway
- 4.5
M-u- in other Formosan languages
- 5.
Kur- as a middle marker
- 5.1
Kur- attaches to nominal stems and precategorial roots
- 5.2
Kur- attaches to verbal stems
- 5.3Semantic motivations and restriction
- 5.4Grammaticalization pathway
- 5.5
Kur- in other Formosan languages
- 6.A note on shared grammaticalization
- 7.Summary and direction for future studies
- Acknowledgements
- Notes
- List of abbreviations
-
References