The Spanish copula estar ‘be.stage-level’ has both well-known aspectual restrictions
and evidential uses. Tibetan evidential ‘dug also shows similar aspectual
constraints. Both features are derived from assuming that the relevant property
in both cases is the gradability of the predicate, which establishes a comparison
class within-individuals (yielding estar ‘be.stage-level’) or between-individuals
(yielding ser ‘be.individual-level’). A between-individual comparison class is
anchored by the nature of the comparison, whereas a within-individual comparison
class must be contextually located. This location requirement results in
the possibility of having evidential readings.
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Cited by (4)
Cited by four other publications
Gumiel-Molina, Silvia & Isabel Pérez-Jiménez
2023. Introduction. Spanish in Context 20:2 ► pp. 251 ff.
2020. Nominal predication withestar. Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics 13:2 ► pp. 251 ff.
Adamou, Evangelia, Stefano De Pascale, Yekaterina García-Márkina & Cristian Padure
2019. Do bilinguals generalize estar more than monolinguals and what is the role of conceptual transfer?. International Journal of Bilingualism 23:6 ► pp. 1549 ff.
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