Vol. 9:2 (2022) ► pp.155–174
Interpreting the eventive copula 做 tso3 in Taiwanese Southern Min
This paper proposes an eventive copula 做 tso3 in contrast with the stative copula 是 si7 in Taiwanese Southern Min. The eventive copula 做 tso3 can be established on syntactic grounds. It can occur in copular small clauses on purposive phrases c-selected by distinct types of matrix verbs. The eventive copula 做 tso3 and the stative copula 是 si7 are in complementary distribution. Furthermore, due to its eventive nature the copula 做 tso3 is compatible with experiential and progressive aspect markers and durative time adverbs. Nevertheless, unlike the stative copular 是 si7 , the eventive 做 tso3 cannot function as a focus marker. In addition, the eventive copula 做 tso3 rather than its stative counterpart 是 si7 is limited to predicational clauses only.
Article outline
- 1.Introduction
- 2.The functional projection of the copula and types of the post-copular NP
- 3.Syntactic structures of the eventive copula 做 tso3
- 3.1Matrix causative verbs
- 3.2Purposive phrases headed by 來 lai5 or 去 khi3
- 3.3The boulomaic, deontic, and dynamic modals
- 3.4Aspect markers
- 3.4.1Experiential markers
- 3.4.2Progressive aspect markers
- 3.5Temporal and spatial adverbs
- 4.Eventive copula 做 tso3 as distinct from stative copula 是 si7
- 5. 做 tso3 and types of copular clauses
- 6. 做 tso3 as a complementizer
- 7.Conclusion
- Acknowledgements
- Notes
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References
https://doi.org/10.1075/ijchl.16017.lie