Interpreting the eventive copula 做
tso3
in Taiwanese Southern Min
This paper proposes an eventive copula 做
tso3
in contrast with the stative copula 是
si7
in Taiwanese Southern
Min. The eventive copula 做
tso3
can be established on syntactic grounds. It can occur in
copular small clauses on purposive phrases c-selected by distinct types of matrix verbs. The eventive copula 做
tso3
and the stative copula
是
si7
are in
complementary distribution. Furthermore, due to its eventive nature the copula 做
tso3
is compatible with experiential and progressive
aspect markers and durative time adverbs. Nevertheless, unlike the stative copular 是
si7
, the eventive 做
tso3
cannot function as a
focus marker. In addition, the eventive copula 做
tso3
rather than its stative counterpart 是
si7
is limited to
predicational clauses only.
Article outline
- 1.Introduction
- 2.The functional projection of the copula and types of the post-copular NP
- 3.Syntactic structures of the eventive copula 做 tso3
- 3.1Matrix causative verbs
- 3.2Purposive phrases headed by 來 lai5 or 去 khi3
- 3.3The boulomaic, deontic, and dynamic modals
- 3.4Aspect markers
- 3.4.1Experiential markers
- 3.4.2Progressive aspect markers
- 3.5Temporal and spatial adverbs
- 4.Eventive copula 做 tso3 as distinct from stative copula 是 si7
- 5.
做
tso3 and types of copular clauses
- 6.
做
tso3 as a complementizer
- 7.Conclusion
- Acknowledgements
- Notes
-
References