Bare numeral phrases in Mandarin and the Minimalist Mapping Hypothesis
We pursue an agreement-based analysis of the bare numeral phrases in Chinese. Bare numeral phrases in Chinese often occur with the
you marker in the preverbal position. With the marker, a bare numeral phrase obtains an individual-denoting
reading, which has an existential meaning. In contrast, several syntactic environments do not need the
you
marker, and the bare numeral phrase obtains the quantity-denoting reading. In addition to the existential
you
marker, we observe that the distributions of the two readings are correlated to the lower (root) modals (Mod) and the middle
aspects (Asp). We argue that the correlation can be analyzed through syntactic feature agreement. That is, the bare numeral phrase
carries an unvalued quantificational feature in the null D, and its unvalued feature is valued by the corresponding existential
you marker, Asp, and/or Mod heads through (multiple) agreement. We argue that the proposed feature agreement
mechanism can improve upon the (Extended) Mapping Hypothesis (
Diesing 1992;
Tsai 1999,
2001) under the Minimalist
Program.
Article outline
- 1.Introduction
- 2.Two previous approaches
- 2.1DP and NumP: Li (1998)
- 2.2Extended mapping hypothesis: Tsai (1999, 2001)
- 3.On the sources of the LF operators
- 4.Syntax of bare numerals in Chinese
- 4.1Deriving the q-denoting reading from multiple-agreement
- 4.2Deriving the i-denoting reading
- 5.Conclusion
- Acknowledgements
-
Abbreviations
- Notes
-
References
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Cited by (2)
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Wang, Yuyun Iris & Wei‐wen Roger Liao
2021.
Against the Low Periphery as Phrase Markers: Two Types of Contrastive Dislocations in Mandarin Chinese*.
Studia Linguistica 75:1
► pp. 97 ff.
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