Article published in:The Lexicon–Syntax Interface: Perspectives from South Asian languages
Edited by Pritha Chandra and Richa Srishti
[Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today 209] 2014
► pp. 71–100
The first-phase event structure of two verbs typical of the Kannada dative experiencer construction, bar- ‘come’ and aag- ‘happen, become,’ suggests (differently from Ramchand 2008) that stative verbs may project “rich” results and “poor” processes. The properties of bar- are explored vis-à-vis English ‘come.’ Bar- and aag- allow telicity by “classifying events that are themselves already results” (Higginbotham 1999). The result event is a small clause with experiencer and experience in a possession relation, as in the English double object construction; with the difference that Kannada encodes possession with dative case, whereas possessional to in English incorporates into be to yield have (Kayne 1993 ). The dative argument occupies the resultee position; arguments in higher event structure positions (undergoer or initiator) are nominative in Kannada.
Keywords: dative of possession, event structure, experiencer, stativity, telicity
Published online: 25 March 2014
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