Article published in:
The Lexicon–Syntax Interface: Perspectives from South Asian languages
Edited by Pritha Chandra and Richa Srishti
[Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today 209] 2014
► pp. 71–100

Rich results

| The English & Foreign Languages University
The first-phase event structure of two verbs typical of the Kannada dative experiencer construction, bar- ‘come’ and aag- ‘happen, become,’ suggests (differently from Ramchand 2008) that stative verbs may project “rich” results and “poor” processes. The properties of bar- are explored vis-à-vis English ‘come.’ Bar- and aag- allow telicity by “classifying events that are themselves already results” (Higginbotham 1999). The result event is a small clause with experiencer and experience in a possession relation, as in the English double object construction; with the difference that Kannada encodes possession with dative case, whereas possessional to in English incorporates into be to yield have (Kayne 1993 [2000]). The dative argument occupies the resultee position; arguments in higher event structure positions (undergoer or initiator) are nominative in Kannada.
Keywords: dative of possession, event structure, experiencer, stativity, telicity
Published online: 25 March 2014
https://doi.org/10.1075/la.209.04amr
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