Article published in:Bavarian Syntax: Contributions to the theory of syntax
Edited by Günther Grewendorf and Helmut Weiß
[Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today 220] 2014
► pp. 145–182
Gaps and parasitic gaps in Bavarian
This paper explores a syntactic configuration of Bavarian (“Bavarian extraction” (BE)) in which an XP is extracted from a fronted embedded clause and placed in a position in front of that clause. In addition to the gap in the fronted embedded clause, a further gap may be licensed in this construction that represents a position in the matrix clause. It will be argued that the extracted element remains within the embedded clause and does not target a position in the matrix clause. This analysis raises the question as to how the gap in the matrix clause can be licensed. Comparing this configuration with parasitic gap constructions, I will show that contrary to what has been assumed in the literature, the BE does not involve the occurrence of a parasitic gap (neither in the embedded nor in the matrix clause). I further argue that crucial properties of BE, such as obligatory fronting of the embedded clause, can be accounted for in terms of a theory of phases, where movement is triggered by the need to dislocate elements with unvalued features to the edge of a phase. The curious appearance of a matrix gap that seems to lack a licensing element is analyzed as an instance of topic drop since the gap in the matrix clause shares crucial properties with a dropped pronominal.
Published online: 26 November 2014
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