Chapter published in:Boundaries, Phases and Interfaces: Case studies in honor of Violeta Demonte
Edited by Olga Fernández-Soriano, Elena Castroviejo Miró and Isabel Pérez-Jiménez
[Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today 239] 2017
► pp. 256–276
On the de se reading in the de se center shift in Korean
An account based on logophoric binding
Korean long-distance anaphor (LDA) caki is obligatorily interpreted as de se: the attitude holder should know that the reference of caki is himself/herself. However, this restriction can be obviated when the Korean direct perceptive evidential marker –te is used. In this case, caki can be used as far as the evidence holder indicated by –te knows that the reference of caki is the attitude holder himself/herself, even when the attitude holder does not know that (Lim 2012, 2014; Lim & Lee 2012; Lim & Hoe to appear, among others). In this paper we call this puzzle de se center shift, and argue that the de se center shift in Korean should be analyzed in terms of the binding relation between an operator and caki. We also present some evidence that this puzzle should not be analyzed in terms of a pragmatically motivated binding relation, such as empathic binding and/or indirect de se (such as what is argued for Chinese ziji in Wang & Pan 2014, 2015, among others). Finally, we discuss some theoretical implications of our proposal, especially regarding the interaction between –te and different types of attitude predicates.
Keywords: de se center shift, direct perceptive evidential -te , long-distance anaphor caki , operator-binding, empathic binding, (indirect) de se , attitudes of (non-)acceptance
Published online: 14 June 2017
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