Chapter 1.Introduction
1
1.1Escapable from silence?
1
1.2Outline of the book
9
Chapter 2.Silent arguments as elliptic arguments
11
2.1Radical pro-drop
11
2.2Pronoun-based approach to radical pro-drop
14
2.2.1Pronominal nature of radical pro-drop and related issues
14
2.2.2Radical pro-drop as null indefinite pronoun
17
2.2.2.1Null bare noun
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2.2.2.2Null counterpart of English one
22
2.2.3Interim summary
27
2.3Ellipsis-based approach to radical pro-drop
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2.3.1Verb-stranding verb phrase ellipsis and argument ellipsis
28
2.3.2Verb-stranding verb phrase ellipsis versus argument ellipsis
34
2.3.2.1Ellipsis of subject
34
2.3.2.2Manner adverb
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2.3.2.3The verb-identity requirement
38
2.4More arguments for argument ellipsis
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2.4.1‘Immobile’ element
40
2.4.2Complex predicate and anti-reconstruction
46
2.5Summary of the chapter
52
Chapter 3.The silent syntax of silent arguments
55
3.1Diagnosing anaphora
55
3.2Overt extraction out of Japanese null arguments
59
3.2.1Long-distance scrambling
59
3.2.2Pseudoraising and raising-to-object
65
3.2.3PP left-branch extraction
71
3.2.4Interim summary
74
3.3Covert extraction out of Japanese null arguments
75
3.3.1Null operator movement
75
3.3.2Quantifier raising
80
3.3.3Covert possessor raising
85
3.3.3.1Inalienable possessor raising
85
3.3.3.2Possessor raising idiom
91
3.4Summary of the chapter and implications for pro and verb-stranding verb phrase ellipsis: Appendix Overt clausal proform soo ‘so’
95
Chapter 4.Cross-linguistic investigations into silent arguments
105
4.1Argument ellipsis in Chinese, Korean, Mongolian, and Turkish
105
4.1.1Background
105
4.1.1.1Null arguments in Chinese, Korean, Mongolian, and Turkish
105
4.1.1.2Argument for ellipsis I: Obviation of condition B
109
4.1.1.3Argument for ellipsis II: ‘Sloppy’ reading
111
4.1.2Verb-stranding verb phrase ellipsis or argument ellipsis?
115
4.1.2.1Ellipsis of subject
115
4.1.2.2‘Immobile’ element
120
4.1.2.3Manner adverb
128
4.1.2.4The verb-identity requirement
131
4.1.3Interim summary
134
4.2Overt extraction out of null arguments cross-linguistically
135
4.2.1Long-distance scrambling: Korean, Mongolian, and Turkish
135
4.2.2ECM-movement: Korean, Mongolian, and Turkish
140
4.2.3Topicalization and superraising: Chinese
145
4.2.4Interim summary
149
4.3Covert extraction out of null arguments cross-linguistically
150
4.3.1Null operator movement
150
4.3.1.1Cleft and comparative deletion: Korean, Mongolian, and Turkish
150
4.3.1.2Relative clause: Chinese
157
4.3.2Scope-shifting movement
158
4.3.2.1Quantifier raising: Korean and Turkish
158
4.3.2.2A-not-A question: Chinese
161
4.4Summary of the chapter
164
Chapter 5.Silent arguments = Overtly empty but covertly complex
167
5.1PF-deletion versus LF-copying
167
5.2Elliptic arguments via LF-copying
170
5.3Theoretical implications
176
5.3.1Null operator movement = LF-movement
176
5.3.1.1Chomsky (1995): Strong feature versus weak feature
176
5.3.1.2Subjacency
178
5.3.1.3Parasitic gap
182
5.3.2Against base-generation + merger
184
5.3.2.1Chung, Ladusaw, and McCloskey (1995) and related issues
184
5.3.2.2Argument ellipsis and locality
189
5.3.2.3Argument ellipsis and absence of island repair
197
5.3.3PF-deletion versus LF-copying revisited: A view from phases
202
5.4Consequences for other syntactic phenomena
204
5.4.1Case-marked cleft
204
5.4.2Split QP
208
5.4.3Control
212
5.4.4Wh-in-situ
213
5.5Summary of the chapter
217
Appendix: Wh-in-situ and null arguments cross-linguistically
217
Chapter 6.Concluding remarks and additional issues
225
6.1Summary of the book
225
6.2When is argument ellipsis available?
226