Chapter published in:
Beyond Emotions in Language: Psychological verbs at the interfacesEdited by Bożena Rozwadowska and Anna Bondaruk
[Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today 263] 2020
► pp. 141–212
Chapter 5
The syntax of accusative and dative Experiencers in Polish
Anna Bondaruk | John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin
The chapter examines the syntax of accusative and dative Experiencers found with stative Object Experiencer verbs in Polish with a view to determining whether they are associated with an unaccusative structure (Belletti & Rizzi, 1988; Pesetsky, 1995; Landau, 2010a) or are simply transitive (Grafmiller, 2013). Binding and passivization properties of the two types of Experiencer in Polish indicate that they are syntactically special, with accusative Experiencers forming a part of complex unergative structure as in Bennis (2004), and dative Experiencers occupying a Spec,vP position. The analysis of two linear orders of accusative and dative Experiencers with respect to the Target/Subject Matter (hence, T/SM) argument demonstrates that in the Experiencer-first order, the Experiencer is scrambled to an A’-position, whereas the T/SM remains in situ, while in the T/SM-first order, the T/SM comes to occupy the Spec,TP position, while the Experiencer is not affected by movement.
Keywords: binding, passivization, unaccusative, stative object experiencer verbs, scrambling, A-topic, split feature inheritance, the Polish language
Article outline
- 1.Introduction
- 2.Accusative and dative Experiencers in Polish – General characteristics
- 3.Binding properties of accusative and dative Experiencers in Polish
- 3.1
Condition A effects with accusative and dative Experiencers in Polish
- 3.1.1The Anaphor Agreement Effect
- 3.1.2The way to obviate the AAE
- 3.1.3Anti-Cataphora Effects
- 3.1.4Backward binding by accusative and dative Experiencers
- 3.1.5Forward binding
- 3.2Pronominal variable binding with accusative and dative Experiencers in Polish
- 3.3Binding of accusative and dative Experiencers – the summary
- 3.1
Condition A effects with accusative and dative Experiencers in Polish
- 4.
Passivization of accusative and dative Experiencers in Polish
- 4.1Verbal and adjectival passives in Polish
- 4.2Verbal passives formed of OE verbs with accusative Experiencers in Polish
- 4.3Verbal passives formed of OE verbs with dative Experiencers in Polish
- 4.4 Why don’t stative OE verbs with accusative and dative Experiencers passivize in Polish?
- 4.5Adjectival passives formed of stative OE verbs with accusative and dative Experiencers
- 4.6 Passivization of accusative and dative Experiencers – the summary
- 5.Derivation of T/SM-first and Experiencer-first orders with stative Class II and Class III OE verbs in Polish
- 5.1 Arguments against the Spec,ApplP position of dative Experiencers in Polish
- 5.2Deriving the T/SM-first order with stative Class II and Class III OE verbs in Polish
- 5.3 Deriving the Experiencer-first order with stative Class II and Class III OE verbs in Polish
- 6.Conclusions
-
Notes -
References
Published online: 08 December 2020
https://doi.org/10.1075/la.263.05bon
https://doi.org/10.1075/la.263.05bon
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