The Role of Agreement in Non-Finite Predication

| Károly Eszterházy College
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This comparative syntactic study claims that agreement is the most central functional category responsible for licensing predication in finite, non-finite and small clauses alike. Intriguing syntactic phenomena like Icelandic infinitival predicates taking non-nominative (quirky) subjects; psych-impersonal and modal predicates in Italian, Hungarian and Russian; meteorological predicates, existential clauses, post-verbal and null subjects in the so-called null-subject VSO languages can all be better analyzed through a concept of predication that is closely related to AGRP, manifesting subject-verb agreement. The overt agreement marking in Hungarian and Portuguese infinitival clauses further strengthens this view. Obviation and control subjunctive clauses in the Balkan languages, Welsh finite and non-finite infinitival clauses as well as case-marked secondary predicates in Icelandic, Slovak, Hungarian, Russian and Finnish also lend support to an analysis where the [+pred] feature is checked in AGRP.
[Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today, 90]  2005.  xvi, 222 pp.
Publishing status: Available
Table of Contents
List of abbreviations
vii–ix
List of cases in Hungarian
x
Acknowledgements
xi
Foreword
xii–xv
1. Finiteness and minimalist theory
1–28
2. Two theories of predicstion without AGRP
29–41
3. AGR-based theories of grammar
43–69
4. AGRP in infinitival clauses: Icelandic and Hungarian
71–143
5. AGRP in other forms of non-finite predication
145–198
6. Conclusion
199–201
References
203–218
Index
220–221
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Subjects
BIC Subject: CF – Linguistics
BISAC Subject: LAN009000 – LANGUAGE ARTS & DISCIPLINES / Linguistics / General
U.S. Library of Congress Control Number:  2005053685