Syntactic effects of feature-driven movement in Russian speakers’ L2 Chinese grammars
Availability of wh-topicalization in Chinese raises a question as to whether a whtopic in L2 Chinese is derived by feature-driven movement and, if it is, whether such movement is subject to syntactic constraints. The current study tests the sensitivity of very advanced Russian speakers’ L2 Chinese wh-topicalization to a complex NP island and reconstruction, which are taken as a diagnostic of movement. The results of an acceptability judgement test and a multiple choice interpretation test show that L2 Chinese grammars are constrained by a complex NP island and reconstruction, which provides empirical evidence that L2 Chinese wh-topicalization involves movement driven by an uninterpretable [+Top] feature.
Article outline
- 1.Introduction
- 2.
Wh
-topicalization in
Chinese
- 2.1
Wh-topicalization: movement or base-generation?
- 2.1.1
Wh-questions with a complex NP island
- 2.1.2
Reconstruction of binding relationships in wh-questions
- 3.Previous L2 studies on the Interpretability Hypothesis and whquestions
- 4.Research methodology
- 4.1Research questions and hypotheses
- 4.2Participants
- 4.3Procedure and test instruments
- 4.3.1
The Acceptability Judgement Test
- 4.3.2
The Multiple Choice Interpretation task
- 5.Results
- 5.1
Wh-questions with a complex NP island
- 5.2
Wh-questions with reconstruction
- 6.Discussion of results
- 7.Conclusions
- Notes
-
References
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Second Language Research 30:4
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