The Mandarin
renhe is similar to the English
any in terms of polarity
sensitivity (
Wang 1993;
Wang & Hsieh
1996;
Kuo 2003;
Cheng & Giannakidou
2013;
Shyu 2016). However, the following phenomena regarding
any in relative clause environments have not been surveyed with respect to
renhe: (a) the
NPI illusion effect reported in studies like Parker & Phillips (
2011;
2016); (b) the subtrigging effect discussed in
LeGrand (1975) and Dayal (
1998;
2004). We conducted two untimed, offline acceptability judgment experiments and the results suggest that: (i) NPI
illusion does not appear in Mandarin in untimed offline processing, (ii) the subtrigging effect of
renhe holds,
and (iii)
renhe can be licensed by certain types of declarative verbs like
tongyi ‘agree’ and
zancheng ‘approve’. The results confirm the strict structural requirement of the c-commanding relation
between a negation licensor and
renhe (
Wang 1993) and the licensing of
renhe in non-veridical contexts (Cheng & Giannakidou 2013), and further suggest additional licensing
environments for
renhe: relative clauses and declarative verbs. This requires reconsideration of positing
non-veridicality as a necessary licensing condition for
renhe and calls for future research on how
renhe is licensed under these two licensing environments.