Vol. 23:4 (2022) ► pp.644–679
The ambiguity with pa-nominalization in Lhasa Tibetan
A marker-centered account
A tensed clause that undergoes nominalization marked with pa (pa-phrase) in Lhasa Tibetan can give either an event reading or a participant reading. A syntactic analysis of the pa-phrase is conducted by proposing the Differential Nominalizer Hypothesis (DNH). Specifically, pa selects an AspP as its complement and projects an NP; pa enters the derivation either as a grammatical item that shifts an AspP to an NP or as a lexical item that binds an empty category in the theme position within the AspP. This categorial difference of pa and the consequent derivational difference of the pa-phrase provide a plausible account of the semantic ambiguity of pa-nominalization. The idea that the nominalizer pa has a double category is supported with an assumption of grammaticalization, as is evidenced by the functional multiplicity of pa in Lhasa Tibetan: it is a productive grammatical marker but still bears lexical content of a lexical formative. The assumption of grammaticalization lends support to the DNH.
Article outline
- 1.Introduction
- 2.The syntactic properties of pa-nominalization
- 2.1Syntactic functions
- 2.2Source constituents
- 3.The semantic properties of pa-nominalization
- 3.1The event/participant ambiguity
- 3.2Thematic constraints on the ambiguity
- 4.A syntactic account of the event/participant ambiguity
- 4.1 Pa-phase as NP
- 4.2 Pa as a lexical head
- 4.3 Pa as a grammatical head
- 4.4The Differential Nominalizer Hypothesis
- 5.Multiple uses of pa in Lhasa Tibetan
- 5.1 Pa in nouns
- 5.2 Pa as a marker of adjectival nominalization
- 5.3 Pa in ordinals
- 5.4 Pa as a marker of aspect
- 5.5 Pa as a marker of force
- 5.6Summary
- 6.Conclusion
- Acknowledgements
- Notes
- Abbreviations
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References
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https://doi.org/10.1075/lali.00118.che