The prosodic status of glides in Anaañ reduplication
Based on their unsteady states, and audible transitional propensity towards a following sound or away from a preceding sound, the palatal and labial glides look quite unique vis-à-vis the more steady state vowels and true consonants. This uniqueness lies chiefly in the ability of the glide to occur either as a true onset segment or a nuclear on-glide, as well as a post-peak segment in languages. With reduplication as a basis, this paper employs correspondence theory to examine the precise pre-peak and post-peak positions of glides in the Anaañ syllable, with a view to ascertaining their moraic status and place in the verbal foot construction. Words in the verbal contrast and denominal categories were used as the yardstick for analysing the glides in Anaañ reduplicative constructions. It was discovered that the pre-peak glide in Anaañ (with no mora value) belongs to the nucleus, since it remains undeleted in the reduplicant (RED) morpheme. Contrary to CV inputs, where the no-single-mora constraint comes out as emergently unmarked, the glide in CGV inputs is analysed as the normal application of lengthening in RED, to maintain a minimally permitted heavy-light trochee. At the post-peak level, the palatal off-glide is different from true consonants because its deletion in RED (e.g. /láí/ ➔ [láj] ‘lick’ ➔ [láá-láj] ‘lick, rather than…’) is due to a drop in nucleus sonority, while the deletion of the true consonant (e.g. /ʤít/ ‘lock’ ➔ [ʤíí-ʤít] ‘lock, rather than…’) results from NOCODA.
Article outline
- 1.Introduction
- 2.Background information
- 3.The position of the on-glide in the Anaañ RED syllable
- 4.Partial reduplication of off-glides in Anaañ syllables
- 5.Reduplication of intra-syllabic on-glide and off-glide in Anaañ
- 6.Conclusion
-
Notes
-
References
References (29)
References
Akinlabi, A. & E. Urua. 1993. Prosodic target and vocalic specification in the Ibibio verb. In J. Mead (ed.), WCCFL11: Proceedings of the 11th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics, 1–14. Stanford, CA: CSLI.
Akinlabi, A. & E. Urua. 2002. Foot structure in the Ibibio verb. Journal of African Languages and Linguistics 23: 119–160.
Chomsky, N. & M. Halle. 1968. The Sound Pattern of English. New York: Harper & Row.
Davis, S. & I. Ueda. 2006. Prosodic vs. morphological mora augmentation. Lexicon Forum 2: 121–143.
de Lacy, P. (ed.). 2007. The Cambridge Handbook of Phonology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Gordon, M. 2004. A phonetic and phonological study of word-level stress in Chickasaw. International Journal of American Linguistics 70: 1–32.
Hall, T. 2006. English syllabification as the interaction of markedness constraints. Studia Linguistica 60(1): 1–33.
Hayes, B. 1989. Compensatory lengthening in moraic phonology. Linguistic Inquiry 20: 253–306.
Hyman, L. 1985. A Theory of Phonological Weight. Dordrecht: Foris.
Idem, U. 1994. Phonological processes in the acquisition of liquid stop segments in English by Anaang Speakers. Unpublished Doctoral thesis, University of Edinburgh.
Kager, R. 1999. Optimality Theory. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Kager, R. 2007. Feet and metrical stress. In P. de Lacy (ed.), The Cambridge Handbook of Phonology, 195–227. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Keerio, A., L. Dhomeja, A. Shaikh & Y. Malkani. 2011. Comparative analysis of vowels, diphthongs and glides of Sindhi. Signal & Image Processing (SIPIJ) 2(4): 109–119.
Ladefoged, P. 2011. Phonetic Data Analysis. Oxford: Blackwell publishers.
Lindström, E. 2002. Topics in the grammar of Kuot, a non-Austronesian language of New Ireland, Papua New Guinea. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Stockholm University.
McCarthy, J. & A. Prince. 1990. Foot and word in prosodic morphology: The Arabian broken plurals. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 8: 209–282.
McCarthy, J. & A. Prince. 1993/2001. Prosodic morphology: Constraint interaction and satisfaction.
Rutgers Technical Report, TR-3
. New Brunswick: Rutgers University centre for cognitive science.
McCarthy, J. & Prince, A. 1995. Faithfulness and reduplicative identity. In J. Beckman, L. Dickey, & S. Urbanczyk (eds.), University of Massachusetts occasional papers in Linguistics 18: Papers in Optimality theory (pp. 249–384). Amherst: GLSA, University of Massachusetts.
Prince, A. & P. Smolensky. 1993/2004. Optimality Theory: Constraint Interaction in Generative Grammar. Malden, Massachusetts: Blackwell.
Russell, K. 1997. Optimality theory and morphology. In D. Archangeli & D. Langendoen (eds.), Optimality Theory: An Overview, 102–133. Oxford: Blackwell publishers.
Schane, S. 1973. Generative Phonology. New Jersey: Prentice Hall Inc.
Smith, J. 2002. Onset sonority constraints and subsyllabic structure. Phonologica 1–18.
Sommerstein, A. 1977. Modern Phonology. London: Edward Arnold.
Udoh, E. 2010. Documenting phonological rules in a database management system: A study of the Anaang Language. Unpublished M. A. thesis, University of Uyo, Nigeria.
Udoh, E. 2016. The interaction of mapping patterns and constraints in Anaañ reduplication. Unpublished Doctoral thesis, University of Ilorin, Nigeria.
Udoh, I. 2014. Anaang Phonology. Saarbrucken: LAP Lambert Academic Publishing.
Urua, E. 1999. Length and syllable weight in Ibibio. Studies in African Linguistics 28(2): 241–266.
Urua, E. 2007. Ibibio Phonetics and Phonology. Port Harcourt: M & J. Grand Orbit.
Zec, D. 2007. The syllable. In P. de Lacy (ed.), The Cambridge Handbook of Phonology, 161–194. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.