This paper shows that some languages have ‘bare resumptives’, that is, resumptive pronouns lacking the usual ö-features. It then shows that bare resumptives must be local to their binder (do not violate islands) unlike ö-featured resumptives. This behaviour is explained by a theory which takes pronouns in general to be projections of a category which denotes a variable. Variables must be bound before interpretation, which, within a phase based model, means before Merge of the next phase head. I argue that D serves this purpose for ö-featured resumptives, while C does for bare resumptives. The locality effects follow, and the system as a whole extends to bound pronouns and to locality conditions on the ‘fake indexicals’ recently discussed in the semantics literature (e.g. Kratzer 2009).
2017. Minimal pronouns, logophoricity and long‐distance reflexivisation in Avar. Studia Linguistica 71:1-2 ► pp. 154 ff.
van Urk, Coppe
2018. Pronoun copying in Dinka Bor and the Copy Theory of Movement. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 36:3 ► pp. 937 ff.
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