This paper shows that some languages have ‘bare resumptives’, that is, resumptive pronouns lacking the usual ö-features. It then shows that bare resumptives must be local to their binder (do not violate islands) unlike ö-featured resumptives. This behaviour is explained by a theory which takes pronouns in general to be projections of a category which denotes a variable. Variables must be bound before interpretation, which, within a phase based model, means before Merge of the next phase head. I argue that D serves this purpose for ö-featured resumptives, while C does for bare resumptives. The locality effects follow, and the system as a whole extends to bound pronouns and to locality conditions on the ‘fake indexicals’ recently discussed in the semantics literature (e.g. Kratzer 2009).
2015. Linguistic explanation and domain specialization: a case study in bound variable anaphora. Frontiers in Psychology 6
Georgi, Doreen & Mary Amaechi
2023. Resumption in Igbo: Two types of resumptives, complex phi-mismatches, and dynamic deletion domains. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 41:3 ► pp. 961 ff.
Imanishi, Yusuke
2019. The Clause‐Mate Condition on Resumption: Evidence from Kaqchikel. Studia Linguistica 73:2 ► pp. 398 ff.
McCloskey, James
2017. Resumption. In The Wiley Blackwell Companion to Syntax, Second Edition, ► pp. 1 ff.
2017. Minimal pronouns, logophoricity and long‐distance reflexivisation in Avar. Studia Linguistica 71:1-2 ► pp. 154 ff.
van Urk, Coppe
2018. Pronoun copying in Dinka Bor and the Copy Theory of Movement. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 36:3 ► pp. 937 ff.
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