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Article published In:
Linguistic Variation
Vol. 22:1 (2022) ► pp.78–122

The relative order of foci and polarity complementizers

A Slavic perspective

ORCID logo | University of Iceland
According to Rizzi & Bocci’s (2017) suggested hierarchy of the left periphery, fronted foci (FOC) can never precede polarity complementizers (PolC); yet languages like Bulgarian and Macedonian appear to display precisely such an ordering configuration. On the basis of a cross-linguistic comparison of ten Slavic languages, I argue that in the Slavic subgroup the possibility of having a focus precede PolC is dependent on the morphological properties of the complementizer itself: in languages where the order FOC < PolC is acceptable, PolC is a complex morpheme derived through the incorporation of a lower functional head with a higher one. The order FOC < PolC is then derived by giving overt spell-out to the intermediate copy of PolC rather than to the topmost one. In turn, this option is linked to the possibility, recorded in all languages which allow for FOC < PolC, to also realize the morpheme expressing interrogative polarity as an enclitic particle attaching to fronted foci.
Keywords: left periphery, fronted foci, polarity questions, complementizers, slavic, word order
Article outline
  • 1.Introduction
  • 2.Polarity questions are not Islands for focalization
  • 3.Focus and PolC in Slavic Languages
    • 3.1Overview
  • 4.Enclitics & complex complementizers
  • 5. Da Meets –li, polarity ensues
    • 5.1The derivation
      • 5.1.1Where does -li go?
    • 5.2Optionality
    • 5.3The reasons behind alternative spell-out
  • 6. Dali da, *dali li and other sequences of clausal markers
  • 7.Conclusions
  • Acknowledgements
  • Notes
  • References
Published online: 10 June 2021
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https://doi.org/10.1075/lv.19007.cal
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