Vol. 22:2 (2022) ► pp.325–385
Differential object marking in Catalan
Descriptive and theoretical aspects
In this paper we provide a comprehensive picture of differential object marking in Catalan, focusing on both the empirical facts and their theoretical contribution. We support some important conclusions. First, Catalan differential object marking is quite a robust and widespread phenomenon, contrary to what prescriptive grammars assume. Second, we show that, from a formal perspective, Catalan differential object marking cannot be completely subsumed under hierarchical generalizations known as scales. The contribution of narrow syntax mechanisms and nominal structure is fundamental, supporting recent views by López (2012) or Ormazabal and Romero (2007, 2010, 2013a, b), a.o. Building on these works as well as on observations initially made by Cornilescu (2000) and Rodríguez-Mondoñedo (2007), a.o., we adopt an analysis under which canonical, animacy-based differential marking results from the presence of an additional (PERSON) feature, beyond Case. This structural make-up is not only at the core of differences marked objects exhibit from unmarked objects with a Case feature, but also derives the prominence of differential marking on (animates) under information-structure processes, in the high left (and right) periphery, in contexts of the type discussed by Escandell-Vidal (2007a, b, 2009).
Article outline
- 1.Introduction
- 2.Differential object marking in Catalan
- 2.1A matter of controversy
- 2.2Some observations on the diachrony
- 3.Morphologically dative, but syntactically accusative
- 3.1Against an oblique syntax of DOM
- 3.2More than one case in the chain
- 3.3Passivization and agreement
- 4.Formal approaches to differential object marking
- 4.1Accounts in terms of Scales
- 5.Differential object marking in syntax
- 5.1Differential objects and [uC] licensing
- 5.2Differential object marking and PERSON
- 5.3Case and D0 incorporation
- 5.4DOM and specificity
- 5.5 López (2012) – differentially marked objects are tied to a specific position
- 6.Other aspects of oblique DOM in Catalan
- 6.1Co-occurrence restrictions
- 6.1.1Other co-occurrence restrictions involving DOM
- 6.2Datives and licensing
- 6.3[person] licensing and ‘PCC-like’ effects
- 6.4Catalan DOM and topicality
- 6.1Co-occurrence restrictions
- 7.Conclusions
- Acknowledgements
- Notes
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References
https://doi.org/10.1075/lv.20009.iri