Palatalization and assibilation of /k/ in English and Scottish place-names
There are very few place-names with initial Ch- [tʃ-] in Scotland, Northern England and much of the East Midlands. Names that do exist are almost exclusively late formations and usually consist of French rather than Old English place-name elements. This article investigates the reasons why assibilation is either present or absent from specific areas and why. The results lead to a reassessment of several points, including: (1) the phonetic and phonological development of the voiceless velar in Early English in particular environments; (2) the extent to which external influence counteracted palatalization and assibilation in some areas; (3) the disparities between the place-name and dialectal evidence.
Article outline
- 1.Introduction
- 2.Factors of (non-)assibilation
- 3.Old English dialectal variation
- 3.1WGmc *a > *æ > *ea before /lC/-groups
- 3.2Note on WGmc *a > *æ before /lC/-groups followed by i or j
- 3.3No palatalization of /k/ at all before *æ in Anglian dialects?
- 4.Norse contact and influence
- 4.1Introduction of Norse place-names
- 4.2Replacement of English elements by Norse elements
- 4.3Norse phonological influence
- 5.Brittonic contact and influence
- 5.1Brittonic phonological influence
- 5.2Retention of Brit. */k/
- 5.3Later strata of Brittonic place-names (c.9th–12th century)
- 6.Discussion
- 7.Conclusion
- Acknowledgements
- Notes
-
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